Pressurized by PML-N backed ASWJ-SSP mullahs, the Police removed the Kalma and Quranic verses from the Ahmadi mosque and hid its dome

Extremist Sunni clerics (mullahs) in Lahore’s Sultanpura area who complained that an Ahmadi mosque looked too much like a non-Ahmadi mosque are unsatisfied with changes made to the building’s facade and are demanding that the building’s dome be demolished.

The administration of Baitul Hamd, the Ahmadiyya Muslim mosque, covered the chhatri (flattened dome) at the entrance by installing a hoarding in front of it on May 4. A day earlier, Misri Shah police had removed some tiles with the Kalma and Quranic verses from the building entrance.

They had done so after two PMLN-ASWJ activists, Rana Muhammad Tufail, a cleric, and Advocate M Badar Alim Sheikh filed an application with the police complaining that the worship place looked too much like a mosque. They had sought a case against the Ahmadis under Sections 295-B and 298-C, which were made part of the Pakistan Penal Code via the ‘Anti-lslamic Activities of Qadiani Group, Lahori Group and Ahmedis (Prohibition and Punishment) Ordinance’ of 1984.

A local Ahmedi said on the condition of anonymity that Tufail and Sheikh had sent messages via other people to Ahmadi mosque warning that they were unsatisfied with the changes and the chhatri of the building must be demolished, failing which they would make it impossible for them to live in the area.

Tufail said that under the law, Ahmedis were non-Muslims. “We will not let them make their worship place like a mosque. They are misleading Muslims. We have told the police to stop them, otherwise we will organise protests and they will be responsible for any untoward incident,” he said.

Sheikh accused the Ahmedi community of taking the law into their hands and “posing as Muslims”. He said the Constitution of Pakistan had declared them non-Muslims. He said that they would pursue legal action against the Ahmedi community “to make them mend their ways”.

Fazal Ahmed, a member of the Baitul Hamd administration committee, said that they had tried their best to make the place look less offensive to the complainants, but they were still not satisfied. He said the place of worship had been around since before Partition. Another Ahmedi said it had been around since 1960.

He said the police had told them that they had done 75 per cent of the job, and needed to finish the rest by demolishing the dome. He said no cleric had asked them to do so directly, but the police were pressing them. He said that they would not demolish the dome themselves. “Let the police or the clerics do it if they want,” he said.

Muhammad Riaz, the investigation officer in the matter, said that the police were trying to resolve the matter amicably.

Military dictator General Zia-ul-Haq enacted a number of amendments in Pakistan’s legal system institutionalizing and enabling the persecution of Ahmadi Muslims. According to 295-B of the Pakistan Penal Code, “whoever wilfully defiles, damages or desecrates a copy of the Holy Quran or of an extract therefrom or uses it in any derogatory manner or for any unlawful purpose shall be punishable with imprisonment for life.”

According to 298-C, “any person of the Qadiani Group or the Lahori Group (who call themselves ‘Ahmedis’ or by any other name), who directly or indirectly, poses as a Muslim, or calls, or refers to, his faith as Islam, or preaches or propagates his faith, or invites others to accept his faith, by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representations, or in any manner whatsoever outrages the religious feelings of Muslims shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years and shall also be liable to fine.”

Clearly such legal provisions are a violation of Ahmadi Muslims fundamental human rights as equal citizens of Pakistan.

Should we hope that Pakistan’s Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry who is known for providing urgent relief to arrested terrorists of Sipah-e-Sahaba, Laal Masjid, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Lashkar-e-Taiba etc will also pay some attention to ensuring and restoring Ahmadi Muslims fundamental human rights including their right to freely practice their faith?

Source: Adapted from The Express Tribune, May 21^st, 2012.

Video:

Anti-Ahmadiyya Mullahs of Sipah-e-Sahaba and Khatm-e-Nabuwat use Police to destory Kalma Tayyaba from another mosque in the Punjab province

نئے صوبوں کی تشکیل

پاکستان ایک کثیر الثقافتی ٴ کثیر اللسانی اور مختلف قومیتوں پر مبنی ایک ملک ہے۔ اس کے بانیوں کو بھی اس حقیقت کا ادراک تھا کہ ایک مضبوط اور کامیاب وفاق کو چلانے کے لئے ضروری ہوگا کہ پاکستان میں تنوع کو تسلیم کرتے ہوئے اس کا تحفظ کیا جائے۔ وفاقی نظام کو بہتر انداز میں چلانے کے لئے ضروری ہوتا ہے کہ متنوع ثقافتیٴ لسانی و علاقائی خصوصیات کو تسلیم کیا جائےٴ وفاقی اکائیوں کے درمیان نفرت اور تعصب بڑھانے سے وفاق نہ صرف کمزور ہوتا ہےٴ بلکہ شدید ترین خطرات کی طرف بھی بڑھتا ہے ۔ 1940 ئ کی قرارداد لاہور میں مسلم اکثریتی صوبوں کی حمایت حاصل کرنے کے لئے وفاقی اکائیوں کے لئے زیادہ سے زیادہ خود اختیاری اور آزادی کی بات کی گئی تھیٴ مگر قیام پاکستان کے بعد وفاقی اکائیوں کے حقوق و اختیارات کا خیال نہیں رکھا گیا طویل عرصے تک آئین سازی کے عمل کو مختلف حیلے بہانوں سے موخر کیا جاتا رہاٴ آئین سازی کے ذریعے ہی وفاقی اکائیوں اور عوام کے بنیادی حقوق اور اختیارات کا تعین ہوتا ہے۔ مزید برآں مختلف استحصالی طریقوں سے قومیتوں کی شناختٴ ثقافت اور زبان سے محروم کرنے کی کوشش کی گئیٴ مشرقی پاکستان کو اقتدار اور فیصلہ سازی کے عمل میں شامل نہ کیا گیا جس کا نتیجہ بنگلہ دیش کی صورت میںنکلا اور آج جو چھوٹے صوبوں میں بے چینیٴ قومیت پر مبنی مضبوط تحریکیں ہیںٴ ان کی بنیادی وجہ بھی وفاقیت کے اصولوں سے انحراف ہے۔

1956 ٴ اور 1962 ئ کے آئین کے مقابلہ میں 1973 ئ کے آئین میں مضبوط فیڈریشن کی اہمیت کو تسلیم کیا گیا تھاٴ یہی وجہ تھی کہ تمام صوبوں کی قیادتوں اور نمائندوں نے اس کو متفقہ طور پر منظور کرلیا تھاٴ آئین کے تخلیق کاروں نے وعدہ کیا تھا کہ کنکرنٹ لسٹ 10 سال بعد ختم کردی جائے گی مگر چونکہ 1977 ئ میں فوجی آمر جنرل ضیائ الحق نے جمہوری حکومت کا خاتمہ کرکے آئین معطل کردیا تھاٴ لہٰذا اس وعدہ کی تکمیل نہ ہوسکیٴ کنکرنٹ لسٹ کی موجودگی میں بہت سے صوبائی امور پر وفاق کو قانون سازی میں سبقت حاصل رہیٴ ساتھ ہی وسائل کی تقسیم کے لئے آبادی کا جو فارمولا بنایا گیاٴ وہ تین چھوٹے صوبوں کو قبول نہیں تھاٴ ان حالات و واقعات میں یہ فطری تھا کہ چھوٹے صوبوں میں احساس محرومی مضبوط ہوٴ اور علیحدگی پسند تحریکیں جنم لیں۔

پاکستان میں جو لوگ غیر آئینی طور پر برسر اقتدار آئےٴ ان میں وفاقی اصولوں کو سمجھنے کا فقدان رہاٴ طاقت کے ارتکاز اور مضبوط مرکز کی خواہش میں انہوں نے اختیارات اور فیصلہ سازی کے معاملات کو وفاقی اکائیوں کے ساتھ شیئر نہیں کیا۔ ایسی صورتحال میں ایک تو صوبوں میں احساس محرومی بڑھتا گیاٴ اور جب حقوق کے جائز مطالبات کو طاقت کے ذریعے کچلنے کی کوشش کی گئی تو مختلف تنظیموں نے بھی دہشت کے ذریعے اپنے مطالبات منوانے کی کوشش کیٴ بنگلہ دیش کے معاملہ میں بھی ہم نے خود مسائل جمہوری اور وفاقی اصولوں کے تحت حل نہ کئےٴ اور انگلیاں دوسروں کی جانب اٹھاتے رہے۔ آج بھی ہمیں ماضی کے اوراق سے سبق حاصل کرتے ہوئے بلوچستان سے لے کر سرائیکستان ،تک تمام مسائل کو وفاقی حکمرانی کے اصولوں کے تحت سیاسی ڈائیلاگ اور پرامن طریقے سے حل کرنے کی کوشش کرنی چاہیے۔
پاکستان میں غیر جمہوری حکومتوں کے لمبے ادواروں کی وجہ سے وفاقی اصولوں پر عملدرآمد نہ ہوسکاٴ اس سے یہ نتیجہ بھی اخذ کیا جاسکتا ہے کہ وفاقی اصولوں پر عملدرآمد اور آئین کی بحالی کے لئے جمہوریت بنیادی ستون کا کردار ادا کرتی ہے اور ایک وفاقی نظام ہی پورے ملک کے اقلیتیٴ لسانی اور علاقائی شناختوں کے حقوق کی ضمانت فراہم کرسکتا ہے۔ ایک صحیح جمہوری وفاقی ریاستٴ ایک منقسم اقتدار والی ریاست ہوتی ہے جس میں کم از کم دو حکومتی سطحیںٴ وفاقی اور صوبائی آئینی طور پر علیحدہ علیحدہ ذمہ داریاں نبھاتی ہیںٴ تاہم ان میں مشترکہ اختیارات بھی پائے جاسکتے ہیںٴ وفاقی اور صوبائی حکومتیں اپنے شہریوں سے براہ راست تعلق رکھنے کی مجاز ہوتی ہیں اور متعلقہ شہری براہ راست انتخابات کے ذریعے وفاقی اور صوبائی حکومتوں کے قانون ساز اور نمائندہ اداروں میں اپنے نمائندے منتخب کرسکتے ہیں۔ پاکستان میں 1973 ئ کے متفقہ آئین اور دو ایوانی مقننہ کو تشکیل کیا گیا تھا جس کے تحت ایوان بالا ٴ سینٹ میں قومی اسمبلی میں آبادی کے برعکس چھوٹے علاقوں کو غیر متناسب نمائندگی کے ذریعے مساوی نمائندگی دی گئی ہے۔

وفاقیت کے حوالہ سے بھارت کے تجربہ سے ہمیں یہ انداز ہوتا ہے کہ کس طرح براعظم ایشیائ کی ایک بہت بڑی ریاست اپنے حالات و ضروریات کے مطابق وفاقی اصول اپناتے ہوئےٴ برطانوی راج کے خاتمہ کے بعد ایک جمہوری وفاق کے طور پر اہم ریاست کی صورت میں ابھری ہےٴ کس طرح اس نے اپنے لسانیٴ علاقائی اور مذہبی تنوع کے مسئلہ سے نمٹتے ہوئے نئے جمہوری وفاقی راستے تلاش کئے ہیںٴ اور اس کا 1947 ئ سے اب تک سیکولر انڈین فیڈریشن کا تجربہ کس طرح کامیاب رہا ہے۔1947 ئ میں بھارت کے 14 صوبے تھےٴ مگر اب ان کی تعداد دگنی ہوچکی ہے۔ اس کے ساتھ ہی بھارتی پنجاب میں سے ہریانہ اور ہماچل پردیش کی ریاستیں تخلیق کی جاچکی ہیں۔ بھارت نے علاقائیٴ لسانی اور گروہی شناختوں کو تسلیم کرکے وہاں کے عوام کو مساوی آئینی حقوق دے کر وفاق کو مضبوط بنایا ہے۔

پاکستان کے آئین کے آرٹیکل 239 ٴ کے تحت پارلیمنٹ کی دو تہائی اکثریت سے منظور کردہ ترمیم سے نئے صوبے بنائے جاسکتے ہیں۔ یہ ترمیم اس صورت میں ایوان میں لائی جاتی ہے جب صوبائی اسمبلی یہ فیصلہ کرے کہ بہتر انتظامات کے لئے لسانیٴ ثقافتی اور تاریخی بنیادوں پر نئے صوبے بنانے کی ضرورت ہے۔ لہٰذا پاکستان کے آئین میں یہ گنجائش موجود ہے کہ نئی وفاقی اکائیاں تخلیق کرکےٴ وفاقی حکومت اور وفاقی اکائیوں کے درمیان تقسیم اختیارات کے مختلف انتظامات کئے جاسکتے ہیں ۔ ہم دیکھ رہے ہیں کہ پاکستان ایک جابرانہ وفاقیت سے معاون وفاقیت کی طرف سفر کررہا ہے۔ وفاقی کابینہ نے 2 نومبر 2011 کو ہونے والے اپنے ایک اجلاس میں فورم آف فیڈریشنز کے رکن بننے پر غور کرنے کے بعد اس کی منظوری دی ہے جبکہ 16 نومبر کو پاکستان نے باضابطہ طور پر فورم آف فیڈریشنز کے ساتھ رابطہ کیا اور فورم کے رکن بننے کے فیصلے سے آگاہ کیا۔ اس ضمن میں وفاقی وزارت بین الصوبائی رابطہ فورم کے ساتھ رابطے میں ہے گی۔

جمہوری دور میں متفقہ طور پر منظور ہونے والی 18 ویں ترمیم نے پاکستان میں ایک بڑی تبدیلی کو جنم دیا ہےٴ اور ہم نے پاکستان کو معاون جمہوریت کی جانب عملی انداز میں بڑھتے دیکھا ہے اٹھارہویں آئینی ترمیم کے بعد مشترکہ مفادات کی کونسل میں اصلاحات اور نیشنل اکنامک کونسل کی تنظیم نو دو ایسے اقدامات ہیںٴ جن کے پاکستان میں بین الحکومتی تعلقات پر بہت مثبت اثرات برآمد ہوں گے۔ یہ مثبت اقدام مل کر وفاقی اور صوبائی حکومتوں کے درمیان عملی سطح پر توازن لانے میں معاون ثابت ہوں گے۔ پاکستان میں قدرتی وسائل پر حق ملکیت کے حوالہ سے وفاق اور صوبائی حکومتوں میں تنازعات کی ایک لمبی داستان ہے آئین میں حالیہ ترامیم کے باعث ان تعلقات میں بہتری آئے گی ساتویں قومی مالیاتی ایوارڈ نے پاکستان میں صوبائی خود مختاری اور مالیاتی وفاقیت کو مستحکم کرنے میں بہت اہم کردار ادا کیا ہے۔

پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کی موجودہ حکومت نے پاکستان کے پسماندہ اور کچلے ہوئے طبقات کو ان کی شناخت اور حقوق دیئے ہیں اس ضمن میں اس نے خیبر پختونخواہ کو نام اور شمالی علاقہ جات کو گلگت بلتستان صوبہ کی حیثیت دی ہے اب صدر آصف علی زرداری نے موجودہ حکومت کے دور میں جنوبی پنجاب کے عوام کو ان کے حقوق اور شناخت دینے کا اعلان کیا ہے انہوں نے وزیراعظم سید یوسف رضا گیلانی کو ہدایت کی ہے کہ وہ جنوبی پنجاب میں الگ سرائیکی صوبہ کے قیام کے لئے تمام سیاسی جماعتوں سے مشاورت کا عمل تیز کریں انہوں نے یہ بھی کہا کہ اگر عوام کو ان کے حقوق دینا جرم ہےٴ تو ہم ایسا جرم کرتے رہیں گے۔ برطانوی دور سے چلی آرہی انتظامی حد بندیوں کو اب تبدیل کرنے کی ضرورت ہے اس لئے ضروری ہے کہ نئے صوبوں کی تخلیق کے عمل کا خیر مقدم کیا جائےٴ کیونکہ اس سے نہ صرف بین الحکومتی تعلقات بہتر ہوں گےٴ بلکہ وفاقیت بھی مضبوط ہوگی۔

Source: Daily Mashriq

On 30 March 2012 a well-known and much loved Ahmadi Muslim, Mr Master Abdul Qudoos Ahmad (43), died after succumbing to injuries inflicted during brutal torture by local police in Rabwah, Pakistan. He was a well known government school teacher in education department. Mr Master Abdul Qudoos Ahmad was the President of the Nusrat Abad chapter of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat in Rabwah. We demand justice for Master Abdul Qadoos and hope that Punjab and federal governments will pay urgent attention to this case and punish the culprits involved.

No looking back for us
by Abbas Nasir

WHO was Master Abdul Qudoos Ahmad? How would you know even if you care? The 43-year-old schoolteacher’s story received scant attention in the media.

Described by his students and peers as a well-known and ‘much-loved’ schoolteacher, perhaps far more ominously for him, he was also the president of the Nusratabad chapter of the Jamaat-i-Ahmadiyya in Rabwah.

He was taken into custody on Feb 10 after a murder in his area. There were no warrants, no police remand. Since the man was never formally charged or even remanded in police custody, wouldn’t one be right in assuming him to be innocent?

While in custody, apart from the routine ‘hang him upside down and beat him black and blue till he confesses’, the schoolteacher was also pinned to the floor by policemen holding his legs and arms and a weighted wooden down roller run over him causing untold internal injuries.

He was released without charge some 46, yes 46, days later. In fact, his family were told by the police to take him home as he was unwell. He had been subjected to severe torture. The family were made to sign a blank piece of paper.

From the police station, the family took Master Qudoos to hospital where doctors tried to revive his crushed body. Four days later, ongoing ‘internal bleeding and severe loss of blood’ drained whatever life the police had left in his body.There may be elements of the case I may not be familiar with but it is clear he was kept in illegal confinement for a month and a half and subjected to torture. The local community believes he was thus treated because biased policemen wanted to defame and
humiliate the Ahmadis and did so by targeting a respected community leader.

The police have now admitted Master Abdul Qudoos was ‘innocent’ and have promised action against some constables (with no known arrests) but crucial questions remain about the level of involvement as an innocent man was held and tortured at a police station not in some private jail.

Surely, some senior officers would have heard him screaming for mercy, been aware of the torture. Would you blame members of the persecuted and hounded Ahmadi community for believing they won’t get justice because soon the case will be forgotten by all but the victim’s widow and four children?

I wouldn’t because they are right in all probability. Let me share with you why I feel so. The incident came into focus because activists raised it on social media though to be fair a Pakistani TV channel or two also covered the story in passing.However, one’s attention was drawn to it, as a Twitter discussion developed on why the media and others weren’t following up on a police torture death in custody with the same vigour as a slap by a Sindh Assembly candidate, or for example the killing of a suspect by the Rangers in a Karachi park.

The obvious question was whether the human rights of some — in this case the most basic right to life of an Ahmadi — had precedence over the others’. Despite being nearly certain this was the case, one still put the hypothesis to test, perhaps rather naively.

Twitter is monitored by all major political parties, many government functionaries. Some of the more responsive personalities on Twitter are Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif, PML-N’s Maryam Nawaz Sharif and Federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik.

Yes, I know some of you will say that these personalities don’t manage their Twitter accounts themselves and aides look after them. The argument here is not whether they read and respond to Tweets themselves or someone else does, it is in their names.

For example after Osama bin Laden’s killing in Abbottabad last May, Indian NDTV presenter Barkha Dutt tweeted, asking Rehman Malik for a visa. The interior minister responded, telling her who to contact at the Pakistan mission in New Delhi. A few days later she arrived in Islamabad.

There are similar examples of Shahbaz Sharif, who has responded to tweets positively off and on. Maryam Nawaz Sharif always responds whenever one has sought her attention and defends her party’s position. She promises to ask the Punjab government to look into an issue like she did when someone asked her for a laptop.

So, when Master Abdul Qudoos Ahmad’s tragic story came into the public domain one requested many official/party functionaries to look into the matter so justice could be provided to his shattered family.

Guess what? There wasn’t a single response: a silence as dark as the darkness that must fill the lives of Abdul Qudoos’s family.

Isn’t it enough we ruled on their faith and legislated them out of the folds of Islam? Couldn’t we stop there?

Esteemed columnist Ardeshir Cowasjee often quoted from the address of the Quaid-i-Azam to the members of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, on Aug 11, 1947:

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed — that has nothing to do with the business of the state … We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state … I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in due course Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the state.”

Jinnah died on Sept 11, 1948. Exactly six months and a day after his death, we buried his dream, adopted the Objectives Resolution and made religion the business of the state. And we haven’t felt the need to look back since.

The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

abbas.nasir@hotmail.com

Source: Dawn

………….

AKISTAN: In a hate campaign against the Ahmadis the police tortured to death an innocent school teacher

April 3, 2012

ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION
URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME

Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-057-2012

3 April 2012
———————————————————————
PAKISTAN: In a hate campaign against the Ahmadis the police tortured to death an innocent school teacher

ISSUES: Torture; ill-treatment; arbitrary arrest; religious minority groups; impunity; rule of law
———————————————————————

Dear friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received information regarding the illegal arrest, detention and custodial torture which led to the death of Mr Abdul Qudoos Ahmad, a school teacher and the president of the Nusrat Abad chapter of the Ahmadiyya Jamaat, by the Chenab Nagar police. He was kept in illegal detention by the police for 35 days during which he was tortured without mercy. The torture included the victim being hung upside down by his ankles for long periods. On other occasions he was forced to lay flat on his back while a heavy wooden roller, similar to those used to flatten cricket pitches, was rolled over his body. His captors stood on either side making sure he could not escape the torment.

CASE NARRATIVE:

Mr. Abdul Qudoos Ahmad (43), a well respected school teacher, belonging to the Ahmadiyya sect was tortured to death while in police custody in Chenab Nagar (the Ahmadi community refers to it by its old name of Rabwah), Punjab province. He was taken into custody by the police on 10 February 2012 and was kept in a private torture cell of the police until 26 March when his condition deteriorated due to the severe torture he endured. He remained in police custody for 35 days with any charges being laid against him and was not officially arrested. He was forced to confess to the murder of one, Muhammad Yousuf, a stamp-paper seller from the Nusrat Abad area who was murdered a few months earlier. During the illegal detention Mr. Qudoos was deprived from access to any the legal aid was not provided.

According to information received from the Muslim Times, Express Tribune and Ahmadiyya Jamaat during custody, the victim was hung upside down by his ankles for long periods. On other occasions he was forced to lay flat on his back while a heavy wooden roller, similar to those used to flatten cricket pitches, was rolled over his body. His captors stood on either side making sure he could not escape the torment. Such inhumane and merciless treatment led to multiple organ failure and other physical injuries. The aforementioned methods of torture are but a few examples of the torment inflicted on him in a demonstration of hatred against the Ahmadis by the law enforcers.

The police officials continued the torture throughout the illegal detention and when Mr. Qudoos’ physical condition deteriorated due to the heartless and callous treatment the police forced a family member to place his signature of a piece of blank paper and take him back home. Mr. Qudoos was released on 26 March 2012 and his family sought immediate medical attention for him. Despite the best efforts of the family and doctors he was unable to recover and on 30 March 2012 he passed away in the hospital.

According to the version filed by the police only two subordinate officers were mentioned in their report. Station House Officer (SHO) Mr. Khadim Hussain of the Chenab Nagar police registered a police case only against sub inspectors, Sujhat Ali and Manazar Ali, under sections 302, 148, 34 of the Pakistan Penal Code. In this manner, impunity was assured to the real murderers including SHO Khadim Hussain and other police officials.

It is with the connivance of a provincial law minister that the Punjab provincial police have been able to hide the criminal practice of the police of keeping suspects in illegal detention for months during which time they are tortured to get confessional statements and bribes. The provincial law minister has been instrumental in sheltering the high officials of the police from involvement in these heinous crimes. These officers include the District Police Officer (DPO), the highest police officer of the district, the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), under whom the police station of Chenab Nagar comes, and the officer in charge of the police station, SHO Khadim Hussain.

The brother-in-law of the victim, Mr. Imtiaz Ahmed stated that Mr. Qudoos’ was brutally tortured during interrogations, causing severe internal injuries. He accused the police that when the teacher was released the police threatened the family members to hush up the matter. According to Mr. Imtiaz Mr. Qudoos was admitted to a local hospital where he died due to excessive loss of blood.

It is unbelievable that a man could be kept in a police station for 35 days and continuously tortured and the SHO and other high officials including the DSP of the concerned police station knew nothing about the incident. This criminal act by the district police has been covered up under guise of releasing the prisoner to hide the illegal and supra constitutional behavior of the police.

The Punjab government has yet not started any investigation in to the incident of arbitrary detention, torture and misuse of police power against the concerned police officers. It is a very well known fact the provincial government and particularly the provincial law minister have connections with Muslim fundamentalists groups and banned Islamic organizations who are very much against the Ahmadis and who have been involved in the killings of Ahmadis and Shias, the second largest Muslim sect.

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:

The illegal dentition and torture clearly violated the procedural law, specifically Section 61 of Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) of 1898 “No police officer shall detain in custody a person arrested without a warrant for a longer period than under all circumstances of the case is reasonable, and such period shall not, in the absence of a special order of a magistrate under Section 167, exceed 24 hours exclusive of the time necessary for the journey from the place of arrest to the Magistrate’s Court.” . The procedural law stated that a person arrested not be detained more than 24 hours but Mr.Qudoos was illegally detained for 35 days.

Torture is not criminalized in Pakistan. In absence of the anti torture law and loop hole in the substantive and procedural laws in Pakistan, law enforcement agencies are enjoying full impunity. The police are using torture as their daily method of extracting information and bribes from the accused in their custody. Several sections of Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) of 1898 including Section 46 (2- 3) need to amended and specially sections 54 & 55 extend the police powers over persons who are still to be declared as accused, by permitting arrest without warrant. Specifically in this case Master Abdul Qudoos Ahmad was arrested without warrant and tortured to death.

SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please write the letters the giver below authorities asking them to conduct a judicial inquiry in to the illegal detention and torture to a school teacher who was from the Ahmadi sect and prosecute all the officials of the Chenab Nagar police station and DPO on the charges of torture to death and murder of an innocent teacher. Please urge them to unearth the torture cells from the police station and suspend all the police officers of the district until the completion of judicial inquiry, insure the safety and security of the family members and make sure a proper autopsy and involve the forensic experts

The AHRC writes separate letters to the UN Special Rapporteurs on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions calling for their intervention into this matter.

To support this appeal, please click here:

SAMPLE LETTER:

Dear ___________,

PAKISTAN: In a hate campaign against the Ahmadis the police tortured to death an innocent school teacher

Name of victim: Mr Abdul Qudoos Ahmad, a school teacher, resident of Chenab Nagar (Rabwah), Punjab province
Names of alleged perpetrators:
1. Mr. Sujhat Ali, Sub Inspector of Police
2. Mr. Manazar Ali, Sub Inspector of Police
3. Mr. Khadim Hussain, Station House Officer (SHO)

All are attached to the Chenab Nagar police station, Punjab province
4. Deputy Superintendent of Police, Chenab Nagar, Punjab province
5. District Police Officer of Chenab Nagar, Punjab province

Date of incident: 30 March 2012
Place of incident: Chenab Nagar, Punjab province

I am writing to voice my deep concern regarding the illegal arrest, detention, custodial torture and death of Mr Abdul Qudoos Ahmad, a school teacher and the president of the Nusrat Abad chapter of the Ahmadiyya Jamaat by the Chenab Nagar police.

I am shocked to know that he was kept in the illegal captivity of police for 35 days during which time he was tortured without mercy. The victim was was hung upside down by his ankles for long periods. On other occasions he was forced to lay flat on his back while a heavy wooden roller, similar to those used to flatten cricket pitches, was rolled over his body. His captors stood on either side making sure he could not escape the torment. Such inhumane and merciless treatment led to multiple organ failure and other physical injuries. The aforementioned methods of torture are but a few examples of the torment inflicted on him in a demonstration of hatred against the Ahmadis by the law enforcers.

I have learned that Mr. Abdul Qudoos Ahmad (43), a well respected school teacher, belonging to the Ahmadiyya sect was tortured to death while in police custody in Chenab Nagar (the Ahmadi community refers to it by its old name of Rabwah), Punjab province. He was taken into custody by the police on 10 February 2012 and was kept in a private torture cell of the police until 26 March when his condition deteriorated due to the severe torture he endured. He remained in police custody for 35 days with any charges being laid against him and was not officially arrested. He was forced to confess to the murder of one, Muhammad Yousuf, a stamp-paper seller from the Nusrat Abad area who was murdered a few months earlier. During the illegal detention Mr. Qudoos was deprived from access to any the legal aid was not provided.

I am appalled that during the illegal dentition Mr. Qudoos was denied access to any legal assistance. The police officials continued the torture throughout the illegal detention and when Mr. Qudoos’ physical condition deteriorated due to the heartless and callous treatment the police forced a family member to place his signature of a piece of blank paper and take him back home. Mr. Qudoos was released on 26 March, 2012 and his family sought immediate medical attention for him. Despite the best efforts of the family and doctors he was unable to recover and on 30 March, 2012 he passed away in the hospital.

Typically, as is the custom of the police, the version filed by the police named only two subordinate officers in their report. SHO Khadim Hussain of the Chenab Nagar police registered a police case only against sub inspectors, Sujhat Ali and Manazar Ali, under sections 302, 148, 34 of the Pakistan Penal Code. In this manner, impunity was assured to the real murderers including SHO Khadim Hussain and other police officials.

It is with the connivance of a provincial law minister that the Punjab provincial police have been able to hide the criminal practice of the police of keeping suspects in illegal detention for months during which time they are tortured to get confessional statements and bribes. The provincial law minister has been instrumental in sheltering the high officials of the police from involvement in these heinous crimes. These officers include the District Police Officer (DPO), the highest police officer of the district, the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), under whom the police station of Chenab Nagar comes, and the officer in charge of the police station, SHO Khadim Hussain.

I am sure that the brother-in-law of the victim, Mr. Imtiaz Ahmed was very distressed when he stated that Mr. Qudoos’ was brutally tortured during interrogations, causing severe internal injuries. He accused the police that when the teacher was released the police threatened the family members to hush up the matter. According to Mr. Imtiaz Mr. Qudoos was admitted to a local hospital where he died due to excessive loss of blood.

How can the police expect anyone to believe that a man could be kept in a police station for 35 days and continuously tortured and the SHO and other high officials including the DSP of the concerned police station knew nothing about the incident. This criminal act by the district police has been covered up under guise of releasing the prisoner to hide the illegal and supra constitutional behavior of the police.

It is also incredible to learn that the Punjab government has yet not started any investigation in to the incident of arbitrary detention, torture and misuse of police power against the concerned police officers. It is a very well known fact the provincial government and particularly the provincial law minister have connections with Muslim fundamentalists groups and banned Islamic organizations who are very much against the Ahmadis and who have been involved in the killings of Ahmadis and Shias, the second largest Muslim sect.

I therefore urge you to conduct a judicial inquiry into the illegal detention and torture of a school teacher from Ahmadi sect and prosecute all the officials of the Chenab Nagar police station and DPO on the charges of torture and the murder of an innocent teacher. I also urge to unearth the torture cells from the police station and suspend all the police officers of the district until the completion of the judicial inquiry. Also please ensure the safety and security of the family members and see that a proper autopsy is conducted with the assistance of forensic experts.

Yours sincerely,

—————-
PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

1. Mr. Asif Ali Zardari
President of Pakistan
President’s Secretariat
Islamabad
PAKISTAN
Tel: +92 51 9204801-9214171
Fax +92 51 9207458
Email: publicmail@president.gov.pk

2. Mr. Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani
Prime Minister
Prime Minister House
Islamabad
PAKISTAN
Fax: +92 51 922 1596
Tel: +92 51 920 6111
E-mail: secretary@cabinet.gov.pk or pspm@pmsectt.gov.pk

3. Mr. Rehman Malik
Minister for Interior
R Block Pak Secretariat
Islamabad
PAKISTAN
Tel: +92 51 9212026 +92 51 9212026
Fax: +92 51 9202624
E-mail: ministry.interior@gmail.com or interior.complaintcell@gmail.com

4. Federal Minister for Human Rights
Ministry of Human Rights
Old US Aid building
Ata Turk Avenue
G-5, Islamabad
PAKISTAN
Fax: +92 51 9204108
Email: sarfraz_yousuf@yahoo.com

5. Mr. Lateef Khosa
Governor of Punjab
Governor House
Mall Road
Lahore
PAKISTAN
Fax: +92 42 99203044
Email: governor.sectt@punjab.gov.pk

6. Mr. Justice Sh. Azmat Saeed
Chief Justice of Punjab Province
Lahore High Court
Shahra-e-Quaid-e-Azam, Lahore
PAKISTAN
Tel: +92 42 99212951-66
Fax: +92 42 99212279
Email: webmasterlhc@lhc.gov.pk

7. Mr. Shahbaz Shareef
Chief Minister
Government of Punjab Province
Chief Minister Secretariat
5-Club Road
GOR-I, Lahore, Punnjab
PAKISTAN
Fax: +92 42 99205065
Email: cmcomplaintcell@cmpunjab.gov.pk

8. Dr. Faqir Hussain
Registrar
Supreme Court of Pakistan
Constitution Avenue, Islamabad
PAKISTAN
Fax: +92 51 9213452
Email: mail@supremecourt.gov.pk

Thank you.

Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (ua@ahrc.asia)

Source: AHRC

ہوئے تم دوست جس کے دشمن اس کا آسماں کیوں ہو

معاملہ لوڈ شیڈنگ کا ہے جو ایک وفاقی وزارت کا اختیارہے، لوڈ شیڈنگ سارے ملک میں ہو رہی ہے اور یہ کئی برس سے جاری ہے جب یہ حکومت نہیں آئی تھی تب بھی ہو رہی تھی۔ توانائی کی ضروریات بڑھ رہی ہیں آبادی میں اضافہ ہو رہا ہے۔ نئی سرمایہ کاری ہو رہی ہے کارخانے نئے لگ رہے ہیں کئی ہزار میگاواٹ کا فرق ہے۔ یہ باور کروایا جا رہا ہے کہ وفاقی حکومت جان بوجھ کر پنجاب کو کم بجلی دے رہی ہے۔ اسی طرح گیس بھی کم فراہم کی جا رہی ہے یہ حقیقت ہے کہ بجلی کی قلت ایک سنگین مسئلہ ہے۔

لیکن جس اکیسویں صدی میں ہم رہ رہے ہیں جو علم کی صدی ہے ٹیکنالوجی کا دو رہے۔ انفارمیشن ٹیکنالوجی کی صدی کہلاتی ہے اس کا تقاضا تو یہ ہے کہ مل جل کر مسائل کا حل تلاش کیا جائے، سڑکوں پر بجلی کے دفاتر میں توڑ پھوڑ سے بجلی پیدا نہیں ہوگی نہ ہی پنجاب اسمبلی کے ارکان کے لانگ مارچ سے توانائی جنم لے گی۔ لانگ مارچ کا خوف دلایا جاتا ہے۔ پنجاب حکومت کے لانگ مارچ تو بہت شارٹ ہوتے ہیں گوجرانوالہ میں دم توڑ دیتے ہیں ایک جنرل کی کال پر جدوجہد ختم کر دی جاتی ہے۔ چیف جسٹس کی بحالی تو ایک ایگزیکٹو آرڈر سے ہوسکتی تھی، ہوگئی لیکن دو تین ہزار میگاواٹ نہ تو جنرل صاحب کی کال سے کہیں سے مل سکتی ہے، نہ وزیراعظم اپنے ایگزیکٹو آرڈر سے بجلی بحال کرسکتے ہیں یہ تو ایک حقیقی مسئلہ ہے جس کے لیے برسوں پہلے سے کوششیں کی جاتیں تب آج کی ضرورت کے مطابق بجلی تیار کی جاسکتی تھی۔ جنرل ضیائ الحق کے دور میں اس پر کام ہونا چاہیے تھا کچھ وقت پہلے تو ایک منتخب وزیراعظم، ایک مدبر، ایک ذہین قائد کو تختہ دار تک پہنچانے میں گزر گیا، باقی جو رہا تھا وہ افغانستان میں امریکہ کی جنگ لڑنے، ڈالر کمانے، بانٹنے میں بیت گیا انہوں نے بڑے ڈیم او رپاور ہائوس بنانے کے بجائے میاں نواز شریف جیسے عظیم لیڈر تراشے۔ محترمہ بے نظیر بھٹو نے بجلی کمپنیوں کو لائسنس دیے۔ نواز شریف صاحب نے تو دونوں بار بجلی پیدا کرنے کے لیے کوئی سرمایہ کاری نہیں کروائی۔ پرویز مشرف صاحب نے کالا باغ ڈیم کے لیے اتفاق رائے حاصل کرنے کی مہم چلائی لیکن پھر نہ جانے کیوں درمیان میں رک گئے۔ بجلی کے ترسے ہوئے واقفان حال کہتے ہیں کہ جو جنرل ذوالفقار علی بھٹو جیسے مقبول لیڈر کو پھانسی دے سکتے ہیں سندھ کی اکثریت کی رائے رکاوٹ نہیں بنتی وہ کالا باغ ڈیم بنانے میں چند سندھی قوم پرستوں سے کیوں ڈر جاتے ہیں۔ جنرل ضیائ یا مشرف چاہتے تو یہ ڈیم بنا سکتے تھے وجہ کچھ اور ہے۔

آج بھی ضرورت پانی کے بڑے ذخائر کی ہے، بڑے جلوسوں او رلانگ مارچوں کی نہیں۔ بیسویں ترمیم ہو، اتفاق رائے سے ہو سکتی ہے، اٹھارہویںترمیم منظور ہوسکتی ہے تو پانی کے ذخائر کے لیے اتفاق کیوں نہیں ہوسکتا۔ بجلی تیار کرنے کے لیے آپس میں رضا مندی کیوں نہیں ہوسکتی۔

سولہویں سترہویں صدی کے قبیلوں کی طرح ہر بات پر ہم تلواریں سونت کر کیوں کھڑے ہو جاتے ہین۔ بجلی زرداری صاحب نے سوئس بینکوں میں تو جمع نہیں کروا رکھی جو لانگ مارچ کے نتیجے میں یا چیف جسٹس کے ازخود نوٹس سے پیدا ہو جائے گی۔

یہ اکیسویں صدی ہے، گلوبلائزیشن کا دور ہے آپس میں تعاون اور تفہیم کا زمانہ ہے۔ پاکستان کا اکثریتی علاقہ تو میاں صاحب کے زیر اقلیم ہے اس کی ضروریات پوری کرنا ان کی ذمہ داری ہے، لوڈ شیڈنگ کے لیے مظاہرے کرکے اس ذمہ داری سے عہدہ برآ نہیں ہوا جا سکتا۔ صوبے کے حکمران کی حیثیت سے بجلی سمیت تمام ضروری اشیائ کی فراہمی آئینی ذمہ داری ہے۔ اس کے لیے ایک وزیراعلیٰ کی حیثیت سے آپ کو متعلقہ وفاقی وزیر سے وزیراعظم سے یا صدر سے میٹنگ کرنی چاہیے۔ ان سے مطلوبہ بجلی کے لیے بات کریں۔ اگر نہ ملے تو آپ اپنی اسمبلی میں آوز بلند کریں لیکن اس کے ساتھ ساتھ جو بجلی آپ کو مل رہی ہے اس کی تقسیم مناسب بنیادوں پر بھی آپ ہی کا منصب ہے۔ بجلی متبادل طریقوں سے پیدا کرنا بھی آپ کا فرض ہے دنیا آج کل متبادل توانائی کا اہتمام کررہی ہے۔ سورج سے توانائی حاصل کی جارہی ہے۔ پنجاب میں تو سورج خوب کھل کر چمکتا ہے، دھوپ چلچلاتی ہے، شمسی توانائی کو میں تو دھوپ بجلی کہتا ہوں یہ بجلی تو صرف ایک ڈیڑھ سو سال کی بات ہے۔ اس سے پہلے تو سارا کام دھوپ سے ہی چلتا تھا، فصلیں دھوپ سے پکتی تھیں، سورج کی روشنی میں پڑھائی ہوتی تھی۔

دھوپ بجلی سے ہی بہت کام لیا جا سکتا ہے اس کے پینل تو عام مل رہی ہیں ہر معاملے کو سیاسی کھیل، سیاسی سرکس، سیاسی تماشا بنانے سے مسائل حل نہیں ہوتے ہیں اور زیادہ الجھ جاتے ہیں اور جب میاں صاحب کی منزل وفاقی حکومت ہے تو عام لوگ تو یہ دیکھیں گے کہ آپ کام کرنا جانتے ہیں یا نہیں، دوسروں سے کام لینا آتا ہے یا نہیں، اگر آپ صرف احتجاج کریں گے منتخب صدر کو جلی بجھی سنائیں گے تو آپ لوگوں کو یہ بتا رہے ہوتے ہیں کہ آپ اچھی اپوزیشن پارٹی ہیں آپ کو احتجاج آتا ہے، انتظام نہیں۔

آپ تو تخت لاہور پر راجمان ہیں کچھ مغل بادشاہوں کی روحوں سے ہی سبق سیکھ لیں کہ وہ کیسے سلطنت چلاتے تھے اور صوبائی بغاوتیں کیسے فردو کرتے تھے ان کے تعمیر کردہ قلعے، مساجد، مقبرے آج تک بلند و بالا کھڑے ہیں وقت کی گرد انہیں چاٹ نہیں سکی ہے۔ وہ کام کرتے تھے مظاہرے نہیں کرواتے تھے۔ 62 فیصد پاکستان کا بندوبست ٹھیک کرکے دکھا دیں تب ہی 100 فیصد پاکستان آپ کی قیادت کو تسلیم کرے گا۔

Source: Daily Mashriq

Around 100 tragic deaths of heart patients have occured due to fake medicines provided by the Punjab Governments’ PIC (Punjab Institute of Cardiolology).

This is yet another blunder by chief minister of Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif. Since three weeks, he was waiting for more death toll just like a monster, not much different from his slow-motion response to the dengue epidemic.

In March 2011, National Institute of Health (NIH) Islamabad and federal government had requested the Punjab government to take necessary steps against impending dengue outbreak. National insititute of health (NIH) is Pakistan’s leading scientific research institute, it plays important role in diseases, the biological effects of environmental contamination and provision of vaccine.

It also has an early warning disease system. NIH had warned Punjab government about possible consequences but they paid no heed and as dengue outbroke, Shahbaz’s reponse was too poor; late in fumigations and lack of public awareness campaign led to edpidemic in Punjab.

Moreover, most effective way to control dengue virus transmission is biological method. No appropriate and prompt measures were taken. Dengue fever took 1000 lives in the Punjab.

Shahbaz Sharif must resign over increasing deaths due to substandard life saving drugs and poor health services in the Punjab.

It is a fact that the PIC is the largest cardiac center in Pakistan. It is the first ISO certified hospital in the government sector. But during Shahbaz Sharif’s four years administration, PIC has been put to dubious deals with unauthorized local pharmaceuticals like Alfalah Pharma, Mega Pharmaceuticals and Pharmawise laboratories. Many of these laboratories are known to provide kickbacks to Punjab government in order to earn expensive contracts and supply fake medicines in return.

According to the Drug Act 1976, The Quality Control system at the federal and provincial level is supported by the professionally
competent drug inspectorates and laboratory services.

This is absolutely criminal negligence on the part of the Punjab government, another faux pas within ten months. It is incredible that instead of tendering his resignation, CM Shahbaz Sharif is still trying to fool the nation that substandard life saving drugs are of imported brand.

Such incompetent Chief Minister must be removed by no-confidence movement in the Punjab assembly without any delay, so that peoples’ lives in the Punjab could be saved, and such tragic incidents are averted in the future.

Woke up early in the morning at 8.30 am. Had pancakes and coffee for breakfast. Drove to the university. Used internet to solve surprise quiz in class. After all, it’s fair to do so, it’s not Corruption. Only Politicians do corruption. Was also helped by a class-mate. Socialism is cool, until practiced during exams. Hung out with my group after that. Discussed inqalab and the latest episode of Heroes and Breaking Bad. Reminisced about Strings performance at The Jalsa. Came home and slept till 6 o clock. Got up, checked facebook statuses on my iPad. Removed people from friends list who had criticized ‘Chairman’ today. Flagged the “Aalu Anday” video as Inappropriate.

Stalked a few female class fellows. Later, checked latest news via twitter. Was pleased to know that Chairman had formed a committee to vet all our party candidates. Exchanged furious tweets with some anti-Chairman, anti-revolution people. Switched the TV on but turned off after channel surfing. I don’t understand why this liberal fascist media doesn’t understand that “Chairman” is not pro-Taliban and is not being backed by the Brave Khaakis. That meeting with Pasha was just for congratulating him on Afridi’s performance. Can’t wait for 2013 when Kaptaan and our party will sweep the elections and we can show the pessimists that Inqalab is Possible. We will talk to the Taliban, cut off all relations with the big evil Amrika and may be; just maybe we will be able to convince other Muslim countries and Cheen to form a combined state, our Khilafat. Ham dekhain gay, lazim hai kay ham bhi dekhain gay. Talked to some girls on phone. Ate some chicken bread and dozed off.

Diary of a typical PPP Worker

Woke up early in the morning at 6 am. Asked wife to prepare lunch box while I sipped tea. Walked for half an hour to reach bus stop where factory bus picked me up. Shift started at 8.30 am. Around 10 am, a co-worker got his arm injured due to some machine malfunction. He was not even provided first aid. We decided to stop work and protest in front of manager’s office. After all, we have that right because Bhutto Shaheed made labour laws for us. Shift In charge finally called 1122 and our co-worker was taken to the hospital. Manager announced that half our today’s pay will be cut because we are not allowed to protest.

Now I will have to pay my daughter’s fee from the Income Support Program. I wish I had gone to Dubai when the party was sending people in droves. At the very least I could have gotten a better job. If Mirza can get sugar mills from the party, I should have gotten a departmental store if not anything else. The party has gone to the dogs now. My shift ended at 5 pm. Reached home at 7 pm. Dinner consisted of same saalan that I had for lunch. Watched PTV news at 9 pm. Talked to my daughter. She wants to become doctor. I will have to start a part-time job next year to afford her fee. Jiye Bhutto and good night.

Diary of a typical N-league suporter.

Woke up early in the morning at 8.30 am. Took a light breakfast of desi ghee paratha and 4 omelets. Reached my shop at 9.45 am. Watched repeat telecast of last nights’ talk show. I cannot understand why the TV walas invite these godless secular-liberal types to their programs. They are the scum of earth. Just wish musharraf had not conspired against Mian sb, he would have been Amir ul Momineen by now and we would have eliminated the godless numpties. I will advise ameer sahb on upcoming Ijtema to plan a strategy against secularism as well.

They also deserve our tableegh. Maybe my next Seh roza would be to Islamabad. Sale went well till around 1 pm. Then there was load shedding. Why on earth does Zardari not understand our misery and give us electricity. Asked a worker to fetch me lunch from Gourmet at 2 o clock. Shezan is located closer to the shop but you know, we don’t do business with people who claim to be musalman but they are not. Who knows what they mix in their pasteries,cakes,sandwiches or beverages.

Attended a meeting of local trader association at 3 o clock and it was decided unanimously to close our shops for 2 hours from next Jumma till Ghazi Mumtaz Qadri is released. At least our nation is united on that front. Came back to shop and received shipment from abroad. It did not come through legal way but who cares anyway.

A molvi sb came to collect money from the box that is present in my shop and which asks musalmans to donate money for mujahideen. Molvi sb inquired if I was interested in sending my elder son to his madrassa for free education. May god have mercy on him,he is such a gentle soul, he didn’t know my son was already at an expensive english medium school. One of my cousins has a mentally handicapped child,I referred Molvi sb to his shop.

Reached home at 8 pm and had dinner with the family. Watched a pakistani soap drama. Elder son asked me to buy him a mobile or at least a PSP. asked him to wait till my brother comes back from Amrika. Slept while watching a sports channel.

Source:

Is it really fair to say that the PPP is now pro-establishment (when in fact it has decided to tow the line simply to survive and protect all the good legislation enacted by its government) or equally is it fair to say that Nawaz Sharif is anti-establishment when his brother’s Punjab government has sympathies with Jamat ul Dawah?

Nawaz Sharif aparently doesn’t approve unanimous resolution of the APC, which was held after US allegations of Pakistani state support for the Haqqani network, one should appreciate his stance in the APC. But in last few public appearances, he has demanded quick implementation of APC resolution, which makes things a bit  confusing and contradictory to his previous stance.  If he did not support APC resolution (in fact an ISPR press release), then why he is now demanding its quick implementation?

Tribune 

He also asked for the implementation of the agreements that the country political parties had come up with in the All Parties Conference.

After Nawaz Sharif’s excellent statement it was expected that PML N would support civilian government’s decision of awarding MFN status to India ; instead PML N sided with the Jamad ul Dawah .

PML-N has reservations on MFN status to India

“He said he had strong reservations against the declaration of India as the Most Favoured Nation and called for taking it up in the Parliament.

PML N and Jamat ul Dawah Reject MFN Status 

Raja Farooq Haider, convener of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz and Maulana Abdul Aziz Alvi, chief of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, the charity wing of the Lashkar-e-Taiba militant group blamed for the 2008 Mumbai attacks, assured support to Geelani.

“The entire nation is ready. We will not step back an inch from our stance because freedom is our destination,” Alvi said. A 20-year insurgency in Indian-administered Kashmir has left tens of thousands dead.

Shah Mehmood Qureshi to meet Nawaz , November 22

 

Nawaz Sharif on Wednesday said that Qureshi is an “old and respectable friend” and that he will be meeting him soon. Speaking to the media in Bahawalpur, Nawaz said that Qureshi is a “mature politician” and he will meet him when the later returns from Dubai. Qureshi, on Tuesday, had said that he still maintains “excellent” relations with Nawaz.

Sire , my sincere advice to you, as a political activist , is that if you are really interested in correcting the civil-miltary imbalance then you should stop supporting  the Jamat ul Dawah and opportunists like Shah Mehmood Qureshi.

Imran Khan’s successful public rally in Lahore has made many tongues to wag. Political analysts are now forced to revise their earlier estimates about Imran Khan’s potential to create a niche for himself in the existing political set up in Pakistan. The most notable impact of Imran Khan’s jalsa has been on the politics of Punjab, especially in its urban centres, considered till recently Nawaz Sharif’s stronghold. In this article an attempt has been made to bring into focus the possible changes which might take place in the electoral politics of the central Punjab during the coming elections. Therefore, I will first trace the trajectory of electoral politics in Punjab since 1946 to demonstrate the transformations that have taken place in the society and polity of Punjab and how have these changes been reflected in the electoral fortunes of various leaders and political parties over a period of time. It will help us establish a framework whereby the dynamics of changing patterns in the electoral history of the Punjab could be delineated so as to make an informed study about the possible changes in the political landscape of the central Punjab with the advent of Imran Khan as a key player.

1946

Till 1940, the Unionist Party was the single most influential party in Punjab. It comprised of land-holding elites drawn from all religious communities of the Punjab. Their loyalty towards the British rulers was unflinching and they extended all possible cooperation to them in the war efforts on the occasions of two world wars. The British reciprocated by decorating them with medals and honours, and granting them lucrative tracts of land in canal colony districts which helped them to not only sustain rather enhance their power and prestige over the local populace. It was, hence, a mutually symbiotic relationship.

Political situation changed after the commencement of the Second World War. As Congress did not cooperate with war efforts, the British government turned to its traditional allies among the aristocracy.  Muslim League sided with the British government on the plea that Nazi Germany and its allies were common enemies of the whole of civilized world. While prominent leaders of the Congress were incarcerated, Muslim League was given a relatively free hand. It was done so as to dilute the significance of Congress in the Indian politics or at least among the Muslim majority areas from where bulk of military recruitment and resources were being drawn. Muhammad Ali Jinnah used the political vacuum to his advantage and re-organized his party and successfully mustered support for its agenda at the grass root level. His popularity reached its zenith at the time of the historic event in 1940 when Muslim League held its annual meeting in Minto Park Lahore. Such a powerful show of strength was followed by intense membership drives throughout Punjab and North India in which students of Aligarh Muslim University and other colleges played an active role. As Tahir Kamran has noted in his well-researched article on the elections of 1946 that such slogans as Muslim hai tu Muslim League mai aa were raised to gain sympathy for Muslim League and the cause espoused by it. Thus, Muslim League, under the charismatic leadership of Jinnah, emerged as a party which outsmarted all its rivals. It had the vibrant support of youth and, most importantly, an agenda for the rights of Muslims which touched a chord among overwhelming majority of Muslims in India. Because of these factors, the Unionist Party felt threatened. They could see the winds of change blowing in the direction of Muslim League. Therefore, many among them shifted their loyalties from Unionist Party to Muslim League. Despite all his charisma and popular support, Jinnah could not have won elections in Punjab without the support of Daultanas and Mamdots. This was also because of the fact that the urban base in Punjab was narrow and the franchise was limited.

Muslim League grabbed 73 out of 86 Muslim seats in Punjab and only a few of Muslim Unionists were able to retain their seats. These

Khizr Hayat Tiwana became a non-entity in Punjab politics post creation of Pakistan

results were in stark contrast with the elections held in 1937 when Muslim League had managed to win just two seats of which at least one was from an urban area (Malik Barkat Ali from Lahore and Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan from Rawalpindi who later crossed floor to Unionist party to earn the stigma of lota for the first time in Punjab’s electoral history). This was indeed a radical reversal in electoral fortune for Muslim League at the expense of Unionist Party. But even after the elections of 1946, Muslim League was unable to form a ministry in Punjab as Khizr Hayat Tiwana mustered support from Akali and Congress party to keep himself afloat as the premier of Punjab. It should be noted here that while all the Unionists shifted loyalties before the elections of 1946 (such as Mumtaz Daultana) or after the creation of Pakistan (such as Muzaffar Ali Khan Qizilbash) and became prominent leaders of Muslim League, Tiwana remained committed to his stance which opposed the creation of a separate state in the name of religion at the expense of centuries old pluralist traditions which had kept Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs together. After 1947, Khizr Hayat Tiwana became a non-entity in the politics of Punjab and spent the rest of his life in political wilderness. 

1970

First general elections in Pakistan at the national level with universal franchise took place in 1970. In these elections, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto emerged victorious in West Pakistan by winning 82 out of 138 seats whereas Sheikh Mujibur Rehman grabbed 158 out of 160 seats in East Pakistan. While reasons for Mujeeb’s absolute victory are understandable, the Bhutto phenomenon has intrigued historians and political scientists.

In the late 1960s, after resigning from the cabinet in anticipation of public outcry against the provisions of a peace agreement with India at Tashkent, Bhutto led a political campaign against Ayub Khan’s martial law regime. The so-called era of reforms and progress under Ayub Khan had led to industrialization and mechanization of farming practices in Pakistan. But the dividends of this economic development were unevenly distributed. A select elite comprising of 22 families – a figure popularized by economist Mehbub-ul-Haq – was widely believed to be holding 80% of country’s wealth and resources. In addition, the burgeoning urban based middle classes were now yearning for a fair share in the political decision-making.  It was also the high point of leftist movements in Pakistan. At no other point in Pakistan’s history were the leftists more active and politically relevant. The leftist intellectuals were instrumental in the political successes achieved by Bhutto. The likes of J. Rahim, Mubashir Hassan and Sheikh Rashid were among the founding members of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) who drafted its manifesto and painted it reddish with the slogan “Democracy is our politics, Socialism is our economy and Islam is our religion.” What benefited Bhutto the most was his ability – and that of his key advisers like Rahim and Mubashir Hassan – to transform Peoples Party as an umbrella organization in which various splinter groups with leftist leanings were incorporated.

Peoples Party emerged, to the surprise of everyone else, as the most popular political party in the central Punjab. In the elections of 1970, out of the total tally of 82 seats, 62 were won in the Punjab, 18 in Sindh and 1 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Thus, Punjab was the epicentre of Peoples Party electoral sweep in West Pakistan. Within Punjab, it was the central region of the province with its urban base which went Bhutto’s way. As reported by Andrew Wilder, Bhutto won 50.8% of popular vote in central Punjab and 43 out of 44 seats – more than double the seats that he won nationwide.

Just like Muslim League in the 1940s, Bhutto’s electoral strategy had the right ingredients. He was a charismatic leader and brilliant speechmaker. He realized that there was a political vacuum in West Punjab which he was able to fill with an ideology which struck a chord with the poor and the emerging middle classes who had been denied a fair share in the benefits accruing from economic progress in Pakistan during the 1960s. Most importantly, he had a dedicated cadre of young but experienced leftist workers who carried out his campaign in an efficient manner. Unlike Muslim League, however, Bhutto did not have the support of influential feudal figures in rural Punjab. It was more because such traditional power holders could not foresee the prospects of Bhutto’s electoral sweep. Hence they demurred to side with him in the elections of 1970. Needless to say, those who won on Peoples Party ticket,  were, thus far, political non-entities though they were well qualified and had years of experience working at grass root level. But they succeeded simply

A youngish Dr. Javed Iqbal was beaten by ZAB in 1970 elections

because they were ticket holders of PPP and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. It was no small achievement that a Sindhi feudal Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was able to defeat farzand-i-Iqbal Dr Javed Iqbal from his home constituency in Lahore! This phenomenal success popularised the adage that even if Bhutto had awarded a ticket to a khamba (electric pole), people would have voted for it. Ironically however, by the time elections of 1977 took place, Bhutto, swayed by political exigencies, relied heavily on traditional feudal families of Punjab. Instead of committed party workers and leftist cadres, Bhutto accommodated traditional elites. This was one key factor in disenchantment of the various leftist groups and individuals within PPP.

1990 and 1993

Bhutto’s performance in central Punjab during the election of 1970 was repeated by Islami Jamhuri Ittihad (IJI) – a conglomeration of rightwing political parties formed at the behest of establishment – led by Nawaz Sharif in 1990. It was a radical reversal in fortune. While in 1970 a conglomerate of various leftist groups had swept the polls, the same feat was repeated by IJI in 1990 when it also grabbed 50.8% of the total vote and 51 out of 60 seats in central Punjab. What can explain this extraordinary change in the electoral fortunes of the central Punjab? The foremost explanation is the role played by Pakistan’s Establishment which provided unlimited funds to coalesce an alliance of anti-PPP political parties. Through the rightwing Urdu press, a smear campaign was launched against Benazir Bhutto and her spouse Asif Zardari. The same press built Nawaz Sharif’s stature as an alternative national leader.

But more than anything else it was the policy of nationalization followed by Bhutto and Islamization by Zia-ul-Haq which had definite impact in bringing about a decisive transformation in the society and polity of urban Punjab. In the initial phase of nationalization policy, Bhutto targeted the filthy rich – the proverbial 22 families against whom he had led a charged rhetoric in his election campaign. Nationalizing banking sector and large industrial estates was, hence, a populist move which greatly added to Bhutto’s political power. But his later round of nationalization which targeted small and medium enterprises had disastrous fallout. While Bhutto became a messiah for the poor through these reforms, he lost – it seems forever – the support of newly urbanized industrial middle classes. Those who were hit by these reforms comprised mainly of migrant families who had, after decades of struggle, established their businesses as they were forced to forsake their homes and hearths as well as source of livelihood in India at the time of partition. The best example of such a migrant family was that of Nawaz Sharif. When an anti-Bhutto alliance was formed in the elections of 1977, it drew support – both political and financial – from those financially hurt by Bhutto’s policies. When Zia-ul-Haq came to power, these traders and businessmen threw in their lot with him as he gradually pursued a policy of de-nationalization whereby industrial units were given back to their original owners. Furthermore, Zia used the slogan of Islam to legitimize his rule. As positivist tradition in sociology suggests, newly urbanized classes – uprooted from their rural background and traditional clan ties – seek comfort and new associational patterns in religious observances and gatherings. Zia’s Islamization, therefore, received wide support from newly urbanized Punjabis.

Nawaz Sharif got the necessary space courtesy Zia ul Haq

Zia’s legacy of an Islamized society and support for trading classes was inherited by Nawaz Sharif who was ideally suited to such a designation. He was a scion of a migrant, business family steeped in traditional and religiously conservative ethos. He cashed on anti-PPP and pro-Islam vote bank to the maximum. As prime minister between 1990-92, Nawaz Sharif initiated a whole new era of liberal economic reforms which eased restrictions of capital transfer, facilitated industrial credit and loans and focused on building communication infrastructure. A policy of privitization was also quite vigorously pursued. These policies brought about a period of short-lived economic boom which greatly benefited the industrial base in the central Punjab and helped transform many medium sized industrial units into huge commercial enterprises. The benefits of this economic boom also trickled down to the trading classes in general. This established Nawaz Sharif as the single most popular figure in urban Punjab, especially among the trader community. In the elections of 1993 in which he had briefly fallen out of favour with the Establishment, Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-N percentage of vote was greater than its rivals in the central Punjab. PML-N won 46.6% of vote in comparison to 46.1% won by PPP and its allies. Still, PML-N managed to get only 28 seats while 31 seats went to PPP and its allies. But PML-N’s sweep of the urban constituencies in places like Lahore, Faisalabad, Gujranwala, Sialkot and Sheikhurpura was almost complete. This was despite the fact that an influential portion of PML-N’s rightwing vote was sliced off by Jamat-i-Islami which, instead of keeping an electoral alliance in the form of IJI, fought the election on its own under the banner of Islamic Front.

The urban centres of the Punjab remained supportive of rightwing and pro-Establishment PML-N between 1990 and 1997. Since 1999, PML-N – especially Nawaz Sharif – turned anti-Establishment after his own government was toppled in a military coup and he was imprisoned and later exiled to Saudi Arabia. For the first time, it became possible for a popular leader of the Punjab to raise tirade against the military. While other provinces had all suffered because of military’s role – whether in politics or because of its operations in the name of suppressing nationalists – Punjab had remained pro-military throughout the history of Pakistan. Till now Nawaz Sharif is holding on to his anti-Establishment rhetoric. His statements provide ample testimony to his anti-establishment stance in which he has asked for a commission to be constituted for the probe into Kargil fiasco and lashed out at the military leadership for its failure on Osama Bin Laden. Will he be able to continue with such an anti-Establishment rhetoric after a radical change seems imminent in the politics of urban Punjab by Imran Khan?

2012 or 2013

Till the beginning of 2011, Nawaz Sharif was still the most popular leader in Punjab. But now change in the Punjab politics seems in the offing. After his successful public rally in Lahore, Imran Khan has suddenly been catapulted to the national scene as an alternative leader. His coming out of the political wilderness and assuming the centre stage was on the cards for quite some time. His rise to this level of popularity has reminded many of the successful electoral campaigns of Jinnah and Bhutto. There are some reasons for such a sudden change. First, there is a political vacuum of sorts. Nawaz Sharif has had flak for being too friendly an opposition. His party despite controlling 60% of Pakistan is putting all the onus of the current mess squarely on the shoulders of PPP alone. Secondly, there has been widespread resentment against the Zardari government yet Nawaz Sharif has not capitalized on it. He probably is shying away to launch a movement against PPP, saying that he will not revert to the politics of confrontation reminiscent of the 90s. Thirdly, and most importantly, anti-American sentiments have soared to an unprecedented level. PML-N, as the main opposition party, could not come up with a clear stance on the war against terror. In this situation, Imran Khan is the only political figure who has a clear agenda no matter how much one dislikes or disagrees with that agenda. He is saying things which touch a chord among vast majority of Pakistanis. His anti-American rhetoric is high-pitched and he is using such innovative methods of public spectacles as overnight dharnas to convey these feelings. Like Jinnah’s idea of a separate state for Muslims and Bhutto’s slogan of roti kapra makan, Imran Khan too has conjured up political slogans which might be vague and (unlike Bhutto) extremely rightwing, but they have mass appeal. As far as masses in general are concerned, the ability to transform political slogans into effective policy measure is relevant only once the protagonist is elected into power.

Like Jinnah and Bhutto, Khan too has a dedicated set of followers. While Bhutto politicized the masses, Imran Khan has become the only person in Pakistan’s history who has successfully drawn the upper middle and elite interested into politics – at least temporarily. There are other differences between Bhutto and Imran Khan as well. Bhutto was left leaning while Imran Khan has gravitated to the rightwing. Most importantly, Bhutto rose to political power by championing an anti-Establishment cause. Khan, on the other hand, is advancing a cause which corresponds quite explicitly with the strategic purposes of the Establishment.

Imran Khan is fully cognizant of the importance of social media for propagating his political ideology. In this regard, the overwhelming majority of the “clicking youth” is supporting him. They can be found all over the web and they religiously project Imran Khan as a beacon of hope and change in Pakistan. What is disturbing, however, is that they resort to almost fascist tactics in silencing their critics through abuse and threat (Imran Khan is personally responsible for such behaviour because in his public speeches and interviews, he uses a similar language of ridicule and abuse). This is because large majority of these dedicated cadres of Imran Khan do not have any genuine training in politics nor do they have much of an idea about the history of Pakistani politics. It is because of their ignorance about politics that they are unable to see that Imran Khan’s agenda is vague, problematic or potentially disastrous for Pakistan. For them he is simply an iconic figure who is untainted from allegations of corruption and will bring about much needed radical change. Due to this lack of firm grounding in politics, many commentators are dismissive of the efficacy of this cadre in the electoral politics of Pakistan. Contrary to what many observers believe, I think these clicking youth may be politically naive and hail from a “burger” background, but they will definitely vote for Imran Khan in the coming elections. Previously this class of voters had predominantly been apolitical but this time they will turn up to vote for Imran Khan and will use social media effectively to make sure that each one of them exercise his/her right to vote.

There are two major sources of electoral power which Imran Khan has been able to tap successfully. First are the Pakistani middle class professionals (lawyers, doctors, MBAs, IT experts) and upper middle class or elites. Ever since Bhutto transformed Pakistani politics by empowering the masses, these elites and professional classes have been at a loss. They do not find popular politics amenable to their tastes. It is because this mode of politics limits the chances of these elites to play an effective role in politics. They usually look down upon the ability of the masses to exercise their right to vote in a rational manner. These elites had always prospered during autocratic regimes such as those of Ayyub Khan and Parvez Musharraf which accommodated ‘technocrats’ in various ministries and government organizations. Hence, there is no coincidence that these elites (along with upper middle classes and professionals) – before joining the bandwagon of Imran Khan – were enthusiastic supporters of Parvez Musharraf. For these elites and professional classes, Benazir Bhutto and Asif Zardari were too corrupt and Nawaz Sharif too boorish for their tastes. Imran Khan is equipped with not only charisma but also has a clean financial past, rightwing anti-American rhetoric and a degree from Oxford – all the traits admired by Pakistan’s middle or upper middle class. Most importantly, unlike Ayyub and Parvez, Imran Khan has the chance to bring about a bourgeoisie revolution in Pakistan through electoral means. In other words, as my colleague Umber Ibad puts it, “the question of the possibility of revolutionary change by Elites is successfully making resistance against elitism redundant.” Perhaps for the first time in many decades, the elites, professional and middle classes will determine the outcome of the elections through their votes. The spectacle created at the PTI jalsa was the highest point ever for elitist politics in Pakistan. It might set in motion a domino effect possibly affecting the lower middle classes (if not the poorest) into believing that since the elites and privileged sections (i.e. most educated) are supporting Imran Khan, he is inevitably the right choice. But at least for now, in the words of Imtiaz Alam, Imran Khan does not have the support of bazar and the poor. The bazar (small and medium traders) side with Nawaz Sharif in central Punjab and the poor are divided in their loyalty towards PPP and PML-N.

Punjab = World for Imran Khan

The second major source of popular vote for Imran are young voters in Pakistan. It is this newly created vote bank on the basis of which Imran Khan claims to have brought about a ‘tsunami of change’ in Pakistan. Of all the political parties and its leadership, he saw the potential of tapping this huge reservoir of political support. Just a few months back, videos and photos glorifying Imran Khan for such feats as winning the world cup, building a cancer hospital and sleeping on the floor along with other participants of a dharna against US drone attacks started getting viral on social networking sites. Impressed with what he was doing, the clicking youth picked up Imran Khan as a “cause” in the same way they had taken up the cause of, lets say, “Justice for Aiman Malik” and “Justice for Mughees and Muneeb”. It was a classical rendition of “Rang de Basanti” kind of youth activism. The young ones felt important by acting as a krantikari for Imran Khan’s cause and hence contributing something positive to Pakistan as patriotic citizens.

Other than his “own” vote bank, there is also a question whether Imran Khan will be able to take a big chunk of rightwing vote bank belonging to PML-N in central Punjab (lower middle class, traders etc mentioned above) – at least in main urban centres especially Lahore. Since this article is limited to a study of urban Punjab alone, I would not discuss in detail the electoral prospects of PTI in other parts of Punjab and Pakistan. At the most, about rural Punjab, I would simply repeat that even Jinnah was not able to win the elections in rural Punjab without the support of Daultanas and Mamdots. A gathering in Minto Park Lahore was not enough. Imran Khan is cognizant of this fact. Already leading families from South Punjab like Khakwani, Leghari, Qureshi and Tareen are lining up to forge an alliance with PTI. Since 1970, such influential families with a “guaranteed vote bank” have learnt a valuable lesson. They are careful to feel the public pulse before time. Mostly, however, they join a political force whose fortune is favoured by the Establishment.  If this trend continues then Imran Khan will have little to worry about the prospects of his electoral success in South Punjab even though it would mean accommodating tried and tested politicians.

This brings me to my main point about electoral prospects for PTI in central Punjab and the portion of rightwing votes sliced off from PML-N. I think Imran Khan is overestimating the importance of Lahore. Lahore is no longer as significant as it used to be in 1970. Back then Lahore gave an intellectual lead because of the predominance of Urdu print media in Lahore. Now the sources of information have become manifold. People are no longer dependent on newspapers and journals to develop an informed political opinion. Even within the politics of Punjab, regional power players do not necessarily take cue from what is happening in Lahore. Therefore, it is naive on part of Imran Khan to think that he will be able to repeat what Bhutto achieved in 1970 simply by establishing Lahore as citadel of its political support. At the same time, however, one cannot underestimate the importance of Lahore either. After all it is the Lahore jalsa which has made people talk about Imran Khan and take him seriously for the first time in 15 years. This is no small an achievement in itself and will go a long way in helping him lay foundations for his political party.

My point is that on the basis of one jalsa alone, it is too early to predict whether Imran Khan will be able to grab a major chunk of PML-N’s rightwing vote bank. It will depend on several factors.

First, Imran Khan is largely seen as yet another venture by Pakistani Establishment to keep itself dominant in the political process of Pakistan. Ever since Nawaz Sharif turned anti-Establishment, there had been a slot open for grab to anyone who could prove his popularity in which Establishment could consider investing its resources. Imran Khan may not be a direct recipient of funds (at least there is no documentary evidence from now; in case of IJI as well such evidence only emerged a decade after its formation) from the Establishment but there are several in his party who are well-known for such activities in the past. This includes, most prominently, General Hamid Gul and Mian Muhammad Azhar. It is possible that Imran Khan has turned a blind eye to such transactions and hoping to severe such links once he achieves desired political acclaim, support and popularity.

Secondly, it is also questionable whether the Establishment would risk building Imran Khan as a highly popular leader at the national level and not just in Punjab. On one hand the Establishment does realize the importance of a national leader for the benefit of the federation but at the same time it would be vary of ‘creating’ a figure who will, most certainly, grow out of its influence once fully established. Till now, most commentators thought of Imran Khan as a ploy by Establishment to achieve a fractured mandate in the coming elections so as to ensure that no single political party or popular leadership emerges to challenge its authority. Whether Imran Khan will be catapulted into a national leader or reduced to a status where he simply divides the electorate, will become evident during the coming months. In case the first strategy is adopted by the Establishment, we might see such developments as droves of ‘electables’ from influential families in Sindh  (such as Mehr, Shirazi, Jatoi, Sumroo etc who do not depend on PPP for an electoral victory) join PTI; close to elections, nationalist groups in Baluchistan might boycott the elections allowing the incumbent group of ‘representatives’ win the elections once again; MQM might follow the same pattern for either national or provincial elections; overseas Pakistanis are given a right to vote which would mean another one million voters for Imran Khan; there is an intensification of corruption scandals against Zardari and Sharif brothers; (possibly a disqualification as well); bye-election is held on some urban constituency in Punjab in which PTI candidate sweeps the poll against PML-N and so on. But if the latter course of action is favoured by Establishment then it might become evident through such means as a major financial scandal accusing leading PTI members or even charges of embezzlement in the charity run by Imran Khan. This will cut Imran Khan down to size and provide a levelled playing field for all the political parties in the coming elections so as to achieve a fractured mandate.

Thirdly, there are also reports are in circulation suggesting that Saudi Arabia wants PML-N and PTI to join their forces against PPP and its “Shiite” leader Asif Zardari. If this happens, then it would bring a premature end to Nawaz Sharif’s brief stint as a champion of anti-Establishment politics in Punjab. Even if he does not enter into alliance, it is certain that PTI will prosper with the support of Establishment. In either case, Punjab would be the main loser as it will yet again miss the opportunity to be consistent in its efforts against the Establishment. Needless to say that such an alliance would be disastrous not only for Imran Khan but for the progressive political forces of Pakistan as well.

Fourthly, the possibility of Imran Khan’s entering into an alliance with Jamat-i-Islami also lurks at the horizon. Both share their thoughts on the issue of the war against terrorism. It may slightly scuttle his popularity among the elite sections but it may be compensated with an added support he might muster from Islamist groups, especially in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.

Finally, there is another scenario – which seems most likely and feasible for Imran Khan – in which PTI takes a solo flight. Unlike other commentators, I believe if the elections are held now, Imran Khan has a fair chance of establishing his dominance by denting PML-N’s vote bank. Currently the political ambience is favourably poised for him and there is wild optimism in the air. As the time progresses, some of Imran Khan’s supporters might lose faith in him as he starts making political compromises by inducting tried and tested leaders from other parties like Abdul Aleem Khan whose past is  tainted with scandals of massive corruption. Obviously it is unrealistic to expect that Imran Khan will be able to scrutinize credentials of all those who wish to become part of PTI. But then it should also be noted that there is no way Imran Khan was completely oblivious of the credentials of some of the prominent politicians who have recently joined his party. If Imran Khan is taking such a high moral ground against corruption in politics, there is no margin for error for him. This is the price that he will have to pay for maintaining his reputation. Even a slight blemish on the financial record of any key leader of PTI will get noticed and highlighted by the opponents of Imran Khan to prove that he or his party are no different from other political parties. Those who hold pointing figures on others with an arrogant sense of moral superiority are reprimanded more severely if caught cheating even on a minor scale.

The kind of rhetoric employed by Khan against his opponents till recently and an irreconcilable and uncompromising attitude he has betrayed over the years will badly hurt his reputation once, under the compulsions of power politics, he starts making political adjustments and compromises (for example dealing with MQM in urban Sindh, especially Karachi). Already Imran Khan has become politically more pragmatic while his supporters are still idealists and relatively naive about real politik. After his successful public gathering in Lahore, a tired Imran Khan was asked by a journalist whether he will consider entering into an alliance with Nawaz Sharif. Even before the reporter had finished his question, Khan’s supporter standing behind him started nodding his head in negative. But Imran Khan, on the other hand, responded that he might consider it provided Nawaz Sharif declares his real assets. This is just an indication that there is already a yawning gap between the political pragmatism of Imran Khan and naive idealism of his followers who worship him as an idol of hope, change and clean politics in Pakistan.

Concluding Remarks

Is Imran Khan right in predicting that he will be able to repeat the performance of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in the next coming elections? It would mean that any khamba with a PTI ticket will win elections in the central Punjab. If not 1970, will it then be a performance similar to one achieved by Jinnah in the elections of 1946? It would mean that Imran Khan allows entry of traditional power elites from rural areas which might discredit some of his credibility among the upper middle and elite classes. Or will it be a performance similar to that of Nawaz Sharif in the elections of 1990 whereby he swept the polls thanks to the backing of Establishment? Or is it just sound and fury signifying nothing? The elections of 1946 drove Tiwana to political wilderness and Bhutto’s electoral sweep in 1970 brought an end to Daultana’s relevance in the politics of Punjab. If Imran Khan is able to repeat the performance of Jinnah or Bhutto, a similar fate awaits Nawaz Sharif.

At the moment, however, only one thing is certain: for Imran Khan and PTI it is now or never. As a concluding remark I would simply say that in case of a solo flight from PTI in an election which takes place during the next few months, the results might astonish all political parties and analysts. Another way in which Imran Khan can come to power is possible if no elections take place!

About the author: Ali Usman Qasmi is a PhD in South Asian History from the University of Heidelberg and author of Questioning the Authority of the Past: The Ahl al-Quran Movements in the Punjab (Karachi: Oxford University Press).

Lead singer of Beygairat Brigade, Ali Aftab, asks some tough questions about Imran Khan and the sinister role of Pakistani establishment behind his PTI.

And here I am thinking, can PTI clean sweep the next elections? Do they even have candidates in Sindh, Balochistan or Southern Punjab for that matter? Is it going to remain the party of unsullied eggs if the likes of Shah Mehmood Qureshi and Mushahid Hussain join it? And let’s not forget, even if they don’t make an alliance with any party at the moment, won’t they inevitably have to after the elections? Then, who will it be with? Cracking the shell in two, if PTI just ends up placing a pixie dent in PML(N)’s electorate bum, who will benefit from that? Should PPP support PTI for future dharnas in Punjab?

Even if rumour has it, I will have the facts on the rocks: the establishment always assures that there are no hurdles when they support someone in a vested cause. Keeping in mind that it’s Shahbaz Sharif’s government in Punjab, Imran Khan’s impeccably smooth jalsa in Lahore is an unmistakable indication of the above; his peaceful protest against drones in Peshawar is the other. Also, Mian Nawaz’s perpetual grudge against the army was evident in the APC when he addressed General Kayani by saying where there’s smoke there’s fire.

That can be taken as acknowledging the US point of view to some extent and the beef in the establishment’s ‘kosher’ menu card. With Sharif’s guns trained on them, maybe the powers that be are looking for other props?

Moving on, Imran Khan is very determined about keeping a check on the assets of the current political figures. But shouldn’t these good intentions begin at home? A well-known political analyst from PTI said that Imran’s annual income culminates to 2 crores from which he donates around 1 crore to Shaukat Khanum and other non-profit institutions. But one can’t but have conjectures about where the dough is coming from for all his campaigning. The lighting at Minar-i-Pakistan that day was very well. And then there was the new campaign style introduced by IK – inviting singers to jalsas and covering their boarding and lodging.

There were also the caravan of floaters (publicity vans) that roamed around the city with Imran’s posters. These ring a bell in one’s mind about the finances. Given Imran’s insistence that party members aren’t rich enough, one has to ask: where is the money coming from?

Imran Khan also announced his visit to China during his jalsa to which he went and quietly ironically (I must consider it situational irony) he came back on a private plane which seemed to be arranged by state authorities. In what capacity did he go there? A couple of days prior to the eye-opening and white-washing jalsa, China seemingly put Pakistan in a critical position (Though not embarrassing) by asking for establishing military bases in FATA, definitely to counter the rising danger of extremism in Xinxiang. Imran, perhaps would have to take a contradictory position if he agreed to the “demands” put forward by China.

Imran would be supporting the Taliban for their cause in Afghanistan and simultaneously would be discouraging Muslim separatists in Xinxiang. If he goes to Saudi Arabia or the Middle East after this, won’t it be more conclusive that he is playing in the hands of the establishment?

I was terribly disappointed with some analysts as they predicted Imran denting both right- and left-wing vote banks by offering prayers on stage and then letting the musicians play music before his speech. Is playing music all that is required to prove your ‘liberal’ ‘leftist’ credentials? These things once meant entirely something else. That it has come down to this tells us a lot.

The writer is a member of the band Beygairat Brigade that has recently released the single Aaloo Anday.

Source: Pakistan Today

While Pakistan has directed its focus and significant resources to fighting terrorism in the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas (FATA) and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK), the growing activities of banned militant organizations and their influence in Punjab, the country’s most populous province, have been largely ignored.  Militants, most trained in Afghanistan and others ex-inmates of Afghan prisons, have recently surfaced in Punjab and become active in Punjabi jihadi groups.

The Punjabi militant network is a loose conglomeration of members of banned militant groups of Punjabi origin that have developed strong connections with the Tehrki-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), al-Qaeda, the Afghan Taliban and other militant groups based in FATA and KPK. Members shuttle between FATA and the rest of Pakistan, providing logistical support to FATA and Afghanistan-based militants to conduct terrorist operations deep inside Pakistan.

The main banned organizations with leadership and headquarters in Punjab include Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), Jummat ud-Dawa (JuD), Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM), Harkatul Jihadul Islami (HJI), all working in collaboration with the TTP and al-Qaeda (Central Asia Online, May 10). These sectarian groups are active in the Punjabi cities of Jhang, Lahore, Faisalabad, Gujranwala, Khanewal, Dera Ghazi Khan, Rahimyar Khan, Muzaffergarh, Layyah, and Gujranwala, leaving the government with the difficult task of eliminating these groups with actions other than those already taken in the tribal areas. [1] The LeT’s governing offices are located in Muridke and Lahore while the SSP is controlled from Jhang district. Similarly, LeJ takes directions from Rahimyar Khan and the JeM is linked with its center in Bahawalpur (Viewpoint Online [Pakistan], July 16, 2011). [2]

Media reports suggest that a large number of militants from Punjab have joined hands with the TTP as well as the Afghan Taliban in recent years. With significant numbers of recruits from Punjab-based sectarian organizations, the TTP has proved to be lethal to government efforts to establish order on the frontier (Outlook [Kabul] May 6).According to the figures of the ten largest jihadi organizations, the number of “martyrs” from Punjab is more than 12,000, of which roughly 4,000 have lost their lives in Afghanistan. [3] An intelligence report recently prepared by the provincial government’s Counter Terrorism Department (CTD) revealed that 2,487 militants trained in Afghanistan and 556 militants released from Afghan prisons have surfaced in the province and are now active in the Punjabi Taliban Network (Express Tribune [Karachi] August 30).

Terrorist and suicide attacks inside Punjab have increased significantly since the Pakistan military’s offensive in South Waziristan in October 2009.  Most of the terrorists involved in the attacks belonged to a variety of Punjabi cities, with most hailing from the province’s southern region:

• The terrorists involved in the September 20, 2008 suicide attack on the Marriot Hotel Islamabad belonged to Toba Tek Singh, Attock and Chakwal. These militants were members of the HJI, headed by Qari Safiullah (Asia Tribune, July 28, 2009).

• Dr Usman, who masterminded the October 10, 2010 attack on the Pakistan Army’s General Headquarter (GHQ) as well as several other suicide attacks, is a native of Kabirwala.

• Asmatullah Muwaia, a key leader of the TTP in South Waziristan and master trainer of suicide bombers, also belongs to Kabirwala.

• Osman, the head of a LeJ splinter group operating in the southern region of Punjab, was wounded and arrested in the GHQ attack. Recently a military court pronounced a death sentence on the LeJ commander (The News [Islamabad] August 13).

• Similarly, the persons attacking the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) headquarters in Lahore also belonged to cities in South Punjab.

A large number of “Punjabi Taliban” belonging to the LeJ, the SSP, the JuD, the HJI and other splinter groups, are especially active in the tribal region (The News [Islamabad] August 18). [4] Interior Minister Rehman Malik has also written to the Punjab government asking them to take action against the anti-Shi’a militants based in Jhang district, following a September 20 attack on an Iran-bound bus in the Mastung district of Balochistan that killed 29 Shi’a pilgrims (BBC, October 4).

According to security officials, Shehbaz Taseer, son of slain Punjab governor Salman Taseer, was abducted from the provincial capital of Lahore on August 6 by Punjab-based militants. [5] Interior Minister Rehman Malik has said that Taseer has been shifted to the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, most probably to North Waziristan (Dawn[Karachi], October 17). The abductee’s family members disclosed that they had received threats from militant groups since Governor Taseer was shot dead earlier this year for urging reforms to Pakistan’s blasphemy laws (seeTerrorism Monitor, February 24). Similarly, responsibility for the killing of Pakistan’s Christian Minorities minister Shehbaz Bhatti was claimed by a group calling itself the “Punjabi Taliban” (AP, March 2). Punjabi militant groups have also played an important role in attacking Ahmadis, Shi’a, Sufis and other civilian targets in the province (seeTerrorism Monitor, June 12, 2010).

The main reason for the emergence of a militant mind-set in Punjab is the rapid growth of religious madrassas (seminaries), most of them tied to militant organizations. There are a total of 5,500 religious madrassas in the Punjab, the majority of them belonging to the Deobandi sect. Students enrolled in these madrassas are from Pakistan-controlled Kashmir and KPK as well as Punjab. Religious madrassas based in Punjab provide 40% of recruits to the jihadi outfits. [6] A Punjab CTD report reveals that at least 170 madrassas in Punjab are involved in “suspected activities,” a reference to their role in militant networks, preaching of jihad and spreading sectarian violence against the Punjab’s Shi’a and Ahmadi communities (Express Tribune, August 30).

It is also believed that Pakistan’s intelligence agencies and Punjab’s ruling party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), have good relationships with the banned militant organizations. The Punjab government is known to have provided nearly $1 million worth of financial assistance to JuD in its provincial budget while senior leaders of PML-N (particularly law minister Rana Sanaullah) are seen campaigning with militant  leaders and aggravating interfaith harmony (Express Tribune, June 18, 2010).

Although Punjab is not in imminent danger of a Taliban takeover, the expansion of militant activities in the province, if unchecked, could have serious outcomes for Pakistan’s stability, the war in Afghanistan, the Indo-Pakistani relationship and the future of international terrorism. Unlike the Taliban entrenchment in South Waziristan and Swat, Punjabi militants are scattered across a large province instead of being concentrated in a single region where effective counterterrorism, intelligence and police operations are more likely to be able to contain their operations without massive military intervention. An initial step to dealing with the security crisis in Punjab would involve the provincial government and the national intelligence agencies abandoning their “strategic partnership” and selective attitude in dealing with banned militant groups.

Notes:

1. Mujahid Hussain, Punjabi Taliban, Nigharshat Publishers, Lahore, 2009.

2. Interview with Muhammad Amir Rana, Director of Pakistan Institute of Peace Studies (PIPS), August 16, 2011. A government ban on these jihadist organizations merely led them to operate under different names. SSP began operating under the names of Millat-e-Islamia and Ahle-e-Sunnat Wal Jammat, JeM as al-Furqan and Khuddamul Islam, and JuD or Lashkar-e-Tayyaba as Falah-e-Insaniat Foundation.

3. Muhammad Amir Rana, A to Z of Jihadi Organizations in Pakistan, Mashal Books, Lahore, 2009.

4. Interview with a Bannu-based journalist who requested anonymity, October 16, 2011.

5. Interview with a Lahore-based senior police official who requested anonymity, October 16, 2011.

6. Muhammad Amir Rana, A to Z of Jihadi Organizations in Pakistan, Mashal Books, Lahore, 2009.