Pressurized by PML-N backed ASWJ-SSP mullahs, the Police removed the Kalma and Quranic verses from the Ahmadi mosque and hid its dome

Extremist Sunni clerics (mullahs) in Lahore’s Sultanpura area who complained that an Ahmadi mosque looked too much like a non-Ahmadi mosque are unsatisfied with changes made to the building’s facade and are demanding that the building’s dome be demolished.

The administration of Baitul Hamd, the Ahmadiyya Muslim mosque, covered the chhatri (flattened dome) at the entrance by installing a hoarding in front of it on May 4. A day earlier, Misri Shah police had removed some tiles with the Kalma and Quranic verses from the building entrance.

They had done so after two PMLN-ASWJ activists, Rana Muhammad Tufail, a cleric, and Advocate M Badar Alim Sheikh filed an application with the police complaining that the worship place looked too much like a mosque. They had sought a case against the Ahmadis under Sections 295-B and 298-C, which were made part of the Pakistan Penal Code via the ‘Anti-lslamic Activities of Qadiani Group, Lahori Group and Ahmedis (Prohibition and Punishment) Ordinance’ of 1984.

A local Ahmedi said on the condition of anonymity that Tufail and Sheikh had sent messages via other people to Ahmadi mosque warning that they were unsatisfied with the changes and the chhatri of the building must be demolished, failing which they would make it impossible for them to live in the area.

Tufail said that under the law, Ahmedis were non-Muslims. “We will not let them make their worship place like a mosque. They are misleading Muslims. We have told the police to stop them, otherwise we will organise protests and they will be responsible for any untoward incident,” he said.

Sheikh accused the Ahmedi community of taking the law into their hands and “posing as Muslims”. He said the Constitution of Pakistan had declared them non-Muslims. He said that they would pursue legal action against the Ahmedi community “to make them mend their ways”.

Fazal Ahmed, a member of the Baitul Hamd administration committee, said that they had tried their best to make the place look less offensive to the complainants, but they were still not satisfied. He said the place of worship had been around since before Partition. Another Ahmedi said it had been around since 1960.

He said the police had told them that they had done 75 per cent of the job, and needed to finish the rest by demolishing the dome. He said no cleric had asked them to do so directly, but the police were pressing them. He said that they would not demolish the dome themselves. “Let the police or the clerics do it if they want,” he said.

Muhammad Riaz, the investigation officer in the matter, said that the police were trying to resolve the matter amicably.

Military dictator General Zia-ul-Haq enacted a number of amendments in Pakistan’s legal system institutionalizing and enabling the persecution of Ahmadi Muslims. According to 295-B of the Pakistan Penal Code, “whoever wilfully defiles, damages or desecrates a copy of the Holy Quran or of an extract therefrom or uses it in any derogatory manner or for any unlawful purpose shall be punishable with imprisonment for life.”

According to 298-C, “any person of the Qadiani Group or the Lahori Group (who call themselves ‘Ahmedis’ or by any other name), who directly or indirectly, poses as a Muslim, or calls, or refers to, his faith as Islam, or preaches or propagates his faith, or invites others to accept his faith, by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representations, or in any manner whatsoever outrages the religious feelings of Muslims shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years and shall also be liable to fine.”

Clearly such legal provisions are a violation of Ahmadi Muslims fundamental human rights as equal citizens of Pakistan.

Should we hope that Pakistan’s Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry who is known for providing urgent relief to arrested terrorists of Sipah-e-Sahaba, Laal Masjid, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Lashkar-e-Taiba etc will also pay some attention to ensuring and restoring Ahmadi Muslims fundamental human rights including their right to freely practice their faith?

Source: Adapted from The Express Tribune, May 21^st, 2012.

Video:

Anti-Ahmadiyya Mullahs of Sipah-e-Sahaba and Khatm-e-Nabuwat use Police to destory Kalma Tayyaba from another mosque in the Punjab province

Dr. Shabihul Hasan was Pakistan's leading poet and literary figure.

We condemn brutal murder of Dr Shabih-ul-Hassan, renowned intellectual, poet and critic, by PML-N backed ASWJ-SSP terrorists.

Dr. Shabih-ul-Hasan was attacked by ASWJ terrorists in Lahore yesterday (18 May). He died in Services Hospital today.

This is second great loss after Mohsin Naqvi’s murder by ASWJ-SSP terrorists in 1996 in the same city.

ASWJ-SSP terrorists in Punjab are supported by PML-N’s Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif and Law Minister Rana Sanaullah. Several Punjabi judges in Lahore High Court and Pakistan’s Supreme Court are sympathetic to Jihadi Wahhabis (of the Jamat-ud-Dawa) and Jihadi Deobandis (of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan aka ASWJ, Taliban etc).

We condemn Dr. Shabihul Hasan’s murder and urge Pakistani citizens to lodge peaceful protests outside Pakistan army’s headquarters in Rawalpindi, Lahore, Quetta, Karachi, Peshawar and elsewhere to condemn Pakistan army’s ongoing support to the ASWJ, Taliban and other terrorists.

لاہور میں کالعدم سپاہ صحابہ کے دہشتگردوں کی فائرنگ سے شہید ہونے والے معروف شاعر اہلبیت شہیدسید شبیہ الحسن

کب تک ہم جنازے اُٹھاتے رہے گے؟

Murder of Dr. Shabih-ul-Hasan in Lahore is a part of ongoing Shia Genocide in Pakistan. Enemies of Pakistan are depriving Pakistani nation in general and Shia community in particular of its professionals, scholars, lawyers, bureaucrats, teachers, merchants and other citizens. Pakistani media, judiciary and human rights groups have consistently ignored Shia genocide taking place at the hands of Pakistan army-sponsored Jihadis.

Dr Shabih Ul Hassan in Punjab T.V. show hosted by Dr Ajmal Niazi

Shahzad Ahmad's comment on Dr. Shabihul Hasan (via: Dr Taqi)

Some of the two hundred or so passengers aboard the maiden trip said they were impressed by the facilities but would reserve judgment until their arrival in Karachi Photo: Arif Ali/AFP/Getty Images

By Rob Crilly, on the Business Express, between Lahore and Karachi

The luxury service – complete with flatscreen TVs, wifi and lavatories that would put some British trains to shame – was launched today in an effort to turn around the dire fortunes of Pakistan’s railways, and restore it to its former colonial glory.
More than that, the story of the railway’s decline mirrors that of the country itself, and the Business Express, with its mix of public and private enterprise, is being championed as a new model that could revive Pakistan’s moribund state sector.

Waiters in waistcoats and bow ties served afternoon tea as passengers boarded for the 800-mile, 18-hour journey.

Even Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, facing contempt of court charges, turned out to see the train off. He managed a smile as he welcomed The Daily Telegraph to a berth.

“No I’m not travelling, I’m just here to see you off,” he said with a quick handshake before moving off and avoiding any mention of his legal troubles.

Built in the middle of the Nineteenth Century by engineers who risked rabid wolves, crocodiles and malaria, the railway from Lahore was once a cornerstone of Britain’s vast Indian empire, ferrying troops to the interior and carrying textiles and tea to the vast port of Karachi.

Pakistan inherited a rail network stretching more than 5000 miles at independence in 1947.
But years of corruption and mismanagement has seen the state-owned business taken to the brink of collapse.

Executives say its fleet of 146 locomotives is 500 short of what it needs.

The resulting delays and cancellations have seen a once popular railway marginalised; used by only those that cannot afford travelling by air or road.

This year, the business is expected to lose more than £200m.
Arif Azim, chairman of Pakistan Railways, said he wanted to turn back the clock to a time when the railways were both reliable and elegant.

“Our aim right now is to offer a service in the best traditions of the line – whether it was in the British time or after independence,” he said.

Construction on the line began in 1858 when Sir Henry Edward Frere, the commissioner of Sind, realised Karachi would form an ideal port.
The first stretch opened in 1861, running 100 miles inland before connecting with steamers on the Indus.

John Brunton, the chief engineer, described in his memoir the challenges of buying off hostile princes and the day a rabid wolf ran through his camp outside Karachi.

“In India a record is kept of all fatalities arising from attacks of wild beasts, snakes etc – and on this occasion the return gave 12 men bitten, of whom 10 died, and a large number of cattle,” he wrote.
“The brute was hunted down and killed by the natives, the day after our interview with him.”
Pakistan has different troubles today.

A bomb blast closed the railway last year not far from the spot where those rabid wolves once roamed and the Business Express carries armed guards.

It may not be quite the Orient Express, but the daily sleeper with running water, a dinner service, and pillows for the bunks are a vast improvement on the squalid, broken-down carriages that usually make the stop-start journey.

The service is provided by a private company in a deal that gives it 14% of the £35 single ticket price.

Javed Salim Qureshi, chairman of Four Brothers, the private partner: “Pakistan has had a disaster on the railways. This is a new departure.

“I just hope it gets there on time.”

A trial run a week earlier fell eight hours behind schedule even before leaving Lahore after a carriage derailed.

Some of the two hundred or so passengers aboard the maiden trip said they were impressed by the facilities but would reserve judgment until their arrival in Karachi.

Khurram Ali, a financial analyst, said he was surprised by the first-world standards.

“It’s cheaper than flying and this new service seems really good,” he said, as the lush farmland of Punjab flashed past the window at 70mph.

“But then again we all know how bad the delays have been so ask me again what I think tomorrow morning.”

Source: The Telegraph

The people you see here today were totally opposed to the Pakistan Resolution but fully supportive of the Objectives Resolution. We are lucky that the misguided people who were present in that jalsa of 1940, are all finally dead and this great country had a chance to find its true course and destiny. Ummah has taken great strides.

Maulana Samee ul Haq is heir to the rosary and lota of Maulana Husain Ahmad Madni, who declared people like Jinnah beyond the pale. He has developed the new Pakistan Miltary Academy in Akora Khattack. As we all know, the PMA in Kakool was not fit for purpose and cadets were grossly deficient in maintaining the length of facial and body hair compliant with the standards prescribed by the Sharia and thus making the whole Ummah the laughing stock of the world.

All citizens are welcome, as long as they are not women, Ahmadis, Shias, liberal fascists, peasants, laborers and LGBs. Ts are welcome if they have the new and improved NADRA card as ordered by the Supreme Court.

This is the land of the pure and no impurity will be tolerated. All citizens including Shias have complete freedom to practise their creed as long as the submit to the will of Allah and Sheikh Mohammad bin Abdul Wahhab.

On this esteemed occasion, we want to warn the Americans, that if the cast their evil eye on Pakistan, that eye will be plucked out and preserved in a glass jar in Muridke. We are a great nation. We believe in Allah(SWT), China(PRC) and the apostle of the heavens and the ISI, the great white hope Imran Khan and the supremacy of PTI.

Now, if you sit in your chairs and hold on to them firmly, a message will be read from Imran Khan.

Imran Khan’s message

‘Dear members of the Jalsa,

‘I want to make it very clear that America is the enemy, except when I go there to collect the dollars from the faithful. I hold Hafiz Sahib in greatest respect, so that I can not pronounce his name because of the awe he inspires in me. I will continue to kiss his hem till I am in power, except when I speak to Karan Thapar when I will accept that I am scared shitless. I will therefore not send drones to Muridke or to Chauburji, till I am the Prime Mininster. At that time the evil American drones will enter the fold of Islam and Hafiz Sahib will make an exit to join Brother Ilyas Kashmiri in Jannat al Firdaus.

‘I also hold General Hameed Peabrain Gul in greatest respect. He is the greatest brain that the ISI has ever produced. With his leadership and his wisdom we will soon vaporize the planet and achieve the everlasting jannah, under which will run streams of fresh water, free from the reach of treasonous Indus Basin Treaty and where Maulana Ludhianvi will recline against silken bolsters and be proffered salubrious drinks by pubescent boys wearing martyrdom vests only.

(Leaders link their hands together and hold them high; collective prayer, where all cry, overcome with emotion)

Source: Justice Denied

Related post: Imran Khan’s PTI joins banned terrorist groups in pro-army rally in Lahore

Video: General Hamid Gul addresses affiliates of Lashkar-e-Taiba and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi at the Difa-e-Pakistan Conference

According to news reports, extremist Deobandi-Wahhabi affiliates of Jamaat-e-Islami’s student wing Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba (IJT) on Thursday 22 December 2011 attacked Shia students of the Punjab University with bamboo sticks and stones and opened the indiscriminate firing to sabotage a program of Youm-e-Hussain (as) to mark the sacrifice of grandson of the Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) Hazarat Imam Hussain (as) and his companions in Karbala. The thirteen Shia students including former Central President of ISO Mr Arif Qanbari were critically injured in the firing and attack by extremist Deobandi-Wahhabi terrorists of IJT, an affiliate of Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi. (Source)

A Punjab University spokesman told Press Trust of India that the Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba (IJT, student wing of right-wing Jamaat-e-Islami) and Imamia Students Organisation (ISO) had requested the university administration some days ago to allow them to organise their activities on the campus. The Imamia Student Organisation (ISO), a group of Shia students, wanted to hold a function to mark the death anniversary of Hazrat Imam Husain while the Islami Jamiat Tulba (IJT), the student wing of the pro-Taliban Jamaat-e- Islami, announced it would organise ”Shan-e-Sahaba” at the same venue at the same time. Sipah-e-Sahaba (banned anti-Shia militant organization) students are a part of the IJT at the Punjab University. “The IJT was allowed to organise its activity with the condition that the ISO would also hold its function so that both organisations were dealt with on an equal basis,” the spokesman said. “The IJT organised its event but tried to stop the ISO”s gathering by force,” the spokesman said. He said varsity guards too were injured in the incident. (Source)

PU sources told the clash began when ISO students informed the PU administration they planned to celebrate ‘Youm-e-Hussain’ (Day of Hussain) at the Chemical departments ground. While the ISO began to display posters of the event, the IJT brewed trouble maintaining no one but they could organize religious events at the campus. At 1030am on Thursday, when both the IJT and ISO tried to hold events at the Chemical departments ground, a scuffle between 100 armed IJT members and around 60 ISO members broke out. Both chanted slogans against the other while gun fire was heard across the campus, which sent regular students packing their bags and rushing out of campus. PU sources said the administration and senior teachers realised the matter could not be handled by PU security staff and police was called to disperse the scuffle. However, despite the arrival of police, the stone-throwing continued for an hour which injured a number of students. An IJT member was also reported to have opened aerial fire. IJT members, however, squared the blame on the PU admin, and PU Vice Chancellor, for allowing the ISO to observe the ‘Youm-e-Hussain’ and purposefully inciting the clash to secure an extension. (Source)

The official version: Speaking on the violence, the PU spokesman said the four year policy of the current PU administration to disallow student organisations from organising any activities had been vindicated. He said the IJT and ISO had asked the administration to allow them to organise events a few days ago, after which the PU admin allowed IJT to organise its event upon the condition the ISO would also hold an event on equal basis. He said after the IJT organised its event, they confronted the ISO when it tried to organise its event. He said on Wedesday evening, a student organization pasted a poster to organise a “Shan-e-Sahaba” conference at the Chemical department ground at the time allotted to the ISO. Later than night, IJT members opened aerial fire in the hostel area. He said the PU admin informed police, who requested the admin to restrain the ISO from holding their event to avoid any clash. He said the PU admin subsequently told ISO members the permission for the event had been withdrawn and they must postpone the event, which they refused. He said senior members of the PU security force were injured in the stone-throwing and IJT members, including Atif Gujjar, kidnapped two PU security force members, Waqar Sarwar Butt and Abdul Aziz, on gunpoint and took them to an unknown destination. He said of the two Abdul Aziz was released but Waqar Butt was still in IJT custody. He promised action against students according to PU rules and regulations and held the IJT responsible for firing incidents and other crimes at the campus. He said the IJT had not kept its commitment and showed its prejudices. (Source)

Shia student leaders Syed Nasir Abbas Sherazi and Abid Hussain said the Shia organisation had taken permission from the varsity administration to hold Yaum-i-Imam Hussain on the Institute of Chemical Engineering and Technology ground. They said that they had displayed posters about holding of the event. Shia leaders told Dawn that the organisation’s members, who were supposed to make arrangements for the event, found that water had been released in the ground where it was to be held. They said the roganisers then urged the varsity administration to allow them to hold the even at the Faisal Auditorium. They claimed that vice-chancellor was also scheduled to speak at the Yaum-i-Hussain event. While the ISO members were gathering in front of Faisal Auditorium, they said, the IJT activists armed with weapons and batons attacked and severely thrashed them. The ISO leaders also alleged that the IJT activists used derogatory language against those holding Yaum-i-Hussain event and said they would not allow it on varsity campus. They informed the media persons that six ISO members, Arif Qanbri, Nasir Hussain, Abid Hussain, Ali Waseem, Ali Murtaza and Akhtar Ali, were seriously injured while four others were missing. They alleged that the missing students had been kidnapped by the IJT activists. Later, at a news conference, the ISO leaders announced three-day mourning and vowed they won’t allow any student organisation or sect to establish its hegemony in the varsity. They also alleged that the IJT activists had been threatening ISO members since last night and had even resorted to aerial firing in hostels’ area at around 1am. They said the Jamiat activists had also thrashed some Shia students residing in varsity hostels. (Source)

IJT Punjab Nazim Rasool Khan Babar and PU acting Nazim Amir Yaqoob held PU vice-chancellor responsible for the sectarian clash as he had permitted the ISO to hold the Hussain Day event. They claimed that they had informed the varsity administration in writing to stop the event as it might lead to a sectarian clash. (Source)

Fake liberals: Punjab University is the stronghold of Islami Jamiat Tulaba and its status has been reinforced by prominent civil society activists and pseudo liberals who dishonestly present the ongoing violence against Pakistan’s minority Shia muslim community as “sectarian violence”. This obscures the issue and deflect attention away from groups like IJT who have always enjoyed the backing of Pakistan’s security establishment.

Samad Khurram, a prominent supporter of anti-democracy pro-army Chief Justice Chaudhary and contributor to Pk Politics and Café Pyala, was officially feted by the Islami Jamiat Tulaba at Punjab University. His achievement – opposing the drone attacks on violent militant groups and foreign Jihadi mercenaries that are affiliated with the Islami Jamiat Tulaba.

From frothing right wing ideologues to sauve Harvard educated opportunists, Islami Jamiat Tulaba has been bolstered by wide sections of Pakistan educated classes, its (fake) civil society. Yazeed is well and alive amongst Pakistan’s chattering classes.

Video report: Jamiat ki Gunda Gardi Live Broad Cast on Samaa Tv 22 December 2011

Jamiat’s attack on Hussain (as) Day at Punjab University

ISO’s spokesperson Nasir Shirazi condemns Jamiat

Jamiat Talba’s Anti Shia history in brief

Country-wide condemnation of IJT terrorists

ISO activists stage rally against Jamiat attack

LAHORE: Members of Imamia Students Organisation (ISO) and Majlis-e-Wahdat Muslemeen took out a protest rally on Friday against the recent sectarian clash at the Punjab University (PU) between Islami Jamiat Talaba (IJT) and ISO activists that left 16 ISO activists seriously injured. The protesters started their march from the Lahore Press Club (LPC) and ended it outside the Governor’s House. They were holding placards and were chanting slogans against the IJT and the Punjab government for not arresting the criminals. Addressing the rally, the speakers said it was extremely sad that the IJT attacked the ISO members in the presence of police. The demands put forward by the protesters included, permission from the Punjab government to hold Imam Hussain (AS) Day at PU, arrest of IJT activists involved in the attack, action against use of ammunition in the university’s premises, release of students kidnapped by the IJT, an apology from Liaqat Baloch and other Jamiat leaders over the incident, safeguard of Shia students living in PU hostels, and lastly, the protesters said that a grand operation should be launched at PU to wipe out the control of some influential groups functioning there. (Source)

Shia Muslims in Wah cantt condemn IJT terrorists

Shia Muslims in Gilgit condemn IJT terrorists

Shia Muslims in Lahore condemn IJT terrorists

Protests in Karachi and other cities

Further victimization:

300 Shia Students vacate Punjab University Hostels

“Over 300 shia students have vacated the hostels because they fear being attacked by the IJT activists,” a Shia student asking not be named said, adding “how will the administration provide security for us when their own security guards are being kidnapped.” “We will launch an anti-CM protest all over the country if a pro-IJT VC is appointed,” he said. Fiza, another PU shia student said, “Members of a banned organisation that is responsible for killing shias all over the country are present in the hostels and has weapons also. We are hearing rumours that the CM is going to make an alliance with the Jamat-i-Islami and will appoint a pro-IJT VC. We are not sure what the future of Shias would be,” adding “it is a shame that the CM did not even care to ask about those who were harmed in the sectarian violence”. (Source)

Imran Khan’s friends in Jmaat-e-Islami: Jamiat’s Yazidiat Exposed by Molana Hassan Zafar Naqvi
28 Dec 2011

Molana Hassan Zafar Naqvi exposes the hypocritical Yazidi face of Jamiat andJamaat Islami who have recently shown their Yazeedi character by opposing the Imam Hussain (as) day at the Punjab University. He also exposes their role as enemies of ordinary people in 1971 in East Pakistan by name of Al Badr and Al Shams.

Related posts: Imran Khan’s Vice President Ejaz Chaudhry’s links with sectarian terrorists!

Imran Khan’s message to the Defence of Pakistan rally in Lahore – by Hakim Hazik

Imran Khan says he won’t allow any militant group to operate from Pakistan

Imran Khan’s Lahore rally offers no hope to Pakistan’s religious and ethnic minority groups

Sunday 18 December 2011 will be remembered as an important day in Pakistan’s history because Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) openly joined two banned terrorist organizations (Lashksar-e-Jhangvi and Lashkar-e-Taiba) in a pro-army rally clandestinely organized by Pakistani spy agency ISI. 

For those PTI supportors who are in denial about Imran Khan’s links with banned Jihadi groups, please refer to Daily Times, “SECOND EDITORAIL: Hate speech at a bigoted rally”  

On that day, a loose federation of Deobandi-Wahhabi religio-political organizations with known connections with Pakistan’s military establishment held a massive Difa-e-Pakistan rally (Defence of Pakistan Conference) to express support for Pakistan army and condemn “evil designs” of India, USA, Hindus, Ahmadis, Shias, Jews and the West in general.

Amongst others the rally was attended by the following radicalized Wahhabi/Salafi and Deobandi Jihado-sectarian groups: Jamiat Ahle-Hadith (Ibtisam Elahi Zaheer – Salafi/Wahhabi), Sipah-e-Sahaba /Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (Muhammad Ahmed Ludhianvi – Deobandi), Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam (Sami-ul-Haq – Deobandi), Jamaat-ud-Dawa/Lashkar-e-Taiba (Hafiz Muhammad Saeed – Salafi/Wahhabi), Jamaat-e-Islami (Liaquat Baloch – Deobandi), Inter Services Intelligence (General Hamid Gul – Salafi/Wahhabi) and Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insasf (Imran Khan – Deobandi).

The conference was engineered by Pakistan Army / ISI in order to to pressurize the NATO and the USA and to mobilize Pakistan’s public opinion in support of Pakistan army. However, the conference was able to attract only a section of Deobandi and Wahhabi mullahs and madrassah students. The majority of Pakistan’s peaceful moderate Sunnis (Barelvis), Shias, Ahmadis, Christians etc did not participate in the conference.

Overall, the Difa-e-Pakistan Conference was a radicalized Deobandi-Wahhabi show of power on the behest of Pakistan army.

While Imran Khan could not attend the conference in person, his PTI workers participated in the conference and Imran Khan’s special message was read out on his behalf to the conference participants right before the Sipah-e-Sahaba leader Muhammad Ahmed Ludhianvi’s speech.

(2:20 Imran Khan’s message to the conference was read out by a PTI leader.)

Imran Khan and PTI’s participation along with at least two banned terrorist organizations, Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP aka Lashkasr-e-Jhangvi LeJ) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT aka Jamat-ud-Dawa JuD), confirms his sectarian and jihadist tendencies.  While many of his elitest urban followers are in denial about his links and ideological ties to banned Jihado-sectarian organizations, they should pay heed to the fact that this incident is not a one off and cannot be denied away with one-sentence sweeping non-rebutals.  Here is another instance of PTI supporting a hate rally against the minority Ahmadi Muslims that took place earlier this year:

Imran Khan’s deputy from the Tehreek-e-Insaaf is here, Jamaat-ud-Daawa is here, Maulana Sami-ul-Haq is here. The first to speak is the PTI man. He says on behalf of Imran Khan (“Imran Khan ki taraf se…”) that the PTI will not tolerate any amendment to the blasphemy laws. (This is the opposite of what King Khan told his adoring British followers in The Guardian of London just a few weeks ago.) Quickly he moves from that to the Raymond Davis incident, saying that Muslims must also consider (in addition to theological issues) the very real dangers faced by poor people in Muslim societies today. This becomes a pattern: every speaker starts with the blasphemy law but ends with the American man’s killing of three people in Lahore. Source: Friday Times

Previously it has been documented that Imran Khan’s PTI and its various leaders (e.g. Vice President Ijaz Chaudhry) have close links with Sipah-e-Sahaba / Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Khatam-e-Nabuwat terrorists.

Here is a news report from Pakistan Today newspaper (18 Dec 2011):

Is the SSP out of the closet?

LAHORE – Sunday witnessed the rebirth of Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) as thousands of flags and weapons-waiving, SSP activists participated in the procession at Minar-e-Pakistan, contrary to the claims of Jamat-ud-dawa that the procession was aimed at discussing the ‘defence’ of Pakistan. Whereas the cause of the procession was generally appreciated, even the participants raised their eyebrows at the presence of a banned organisation that has been accused of killing Shia Muslims inside the country. After its ban in 2002, Dafa-i-Pakistan Council’s Sunday rally was the first occasion on which the elements of SSP appeared on the scene and vowed their full support for the JD and their stance of ridding the country of the US.

Many religious clerics and madrassa students under the supervision of Almuhammadia Students Organisation of Pakistan were gathered on Sunday in the ground of Minar-e-Pakistan but the presence of members of banned organisation, armed was the main highlight of the evening. SSP’s activists accompanied JD workers on the city roads and encouraged people to attend the DPC’s rally. “It seems as if the government has lifted the ban from banned organisations. In the name of protesting against the NATO attacks, these organisations are being allowed to roam freely and this will lead to sectarian clashes,” said Zafer Ali, a student, adding that the government was making a mistake by allowing organisations like JD and SSP to function openly.

“Instead of giving a positive impression, clerics chose to call a banned organisation which came with weapons and flags. Even though the cause of the rally is a good one, but I smell danger because everyone will get the impression that the aim of the rally was to recruit terrorists,” said Usman, another citizen.

Members of the banned organisations were also seen tearing the billboards and posters of former dictator Pervaiz Musharraf at Nasir Bagh where a session was being held. They also raised slogans against him.

STUDENTS AVOID THE RALLY: Although a large number of madrassa students joined the procession at Minto Park, students of schools, colleges and universities abstained from it. According to sources, most students at the procession were forcefully brought from the religious madaris of Deoband, Ahl-e-hadis and Ahl-e-Sunat but the students from the universities and colleges could not be attracted. Source: Pakistan Today

Report by BBC Urdu

مینار پاکستان پر ہونے والے اس جلسے کا اہتمام دفاع پاکستان کونسل نامی تنظیم نے کیا تھا اور اس جلسے میں کالعدم تنظیموں کے کارکنوں کی بڑی تعداد نے شرکت کی۔ دفاع پاکستان کونسل نامی اس تنظیم میں مختلف مذہبی جماعتیں شامل ہیں تاہم اس جلسے کی تیاری اور انتظامات میں مذہبی تنظیم جماعت الدعوۃ پیش پیش تھی اور یہی وجہ تھی کہ جلسے گاہ میں سب سے بڑی تعداد میں جماعت الدعوۃ کے جھنڈے نظر آئے۔

کالعدم تنظیم سپاہ صحابہ پاکستان کے کارکنوں بڑی تعداد میں اس جلسے میں شرکت کرنے کے لیے صوبہ پنجاب کے مختلف علاقوں سے لاہور آئے تھے اور جماعت الدعوۃ کے علاوہ اس جلسے میں کالعدم تنظیم سپاہ صحابہ کے جھنڈے بھی نظر آ رہے تھے۔

جلسہ گاہ کے ارگرد جو بینرز لگائے گئے ان پر’بھارت کا جو یار ہے غدار ہے غدار ہے ، بھارت سے رشتہ کیا نفرت کا انتقام کا ، پاکستانی دریاؤں کےپانی پر قابض بھارت کا ایک ہی علاج الجہاد الجہاد‘ جیسی عبارتیں درج تھی۔
مقررین نے خبردار کیا کہ اگر نیٹو کی سپلائی لائن بحال گئی اور بھارت کو پسندیدہ ملک قرار دیکر واہگہ بارڈر کھولا گیا تو اس پر احتجاج کیا جائے گا۔

جلسے سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے جماعت الدعوۃ کے امیر حافظ سعید نے کہا کہ امریکی مہمان بن کر آئیں اور سفارتخانوں میں اپنا سفارتی کام کریں تو ان کی عزت کریں گے لیکن اگر وہ سڑکوں پر ہمارے لوگوں کو ماریں گے تو اس کی اجازت نہیں دیں گے۔ انہوں نے الزام لگایا کہ اسلام آباد میں بھارت کو پسندیدہ ملک قرار دینے کی سازشیں تیار ہو رہی ہیں اور بقول ان کے پارلیمنٹ سے ایسی کوئی قرارداد منظور نہیں ہونے دیں گے۔ خافظ سیعد نے مطالبہ کیا کہ شمسی ائیر بیس کی طرح دیگر اڈے بھی خالی کرائے جائیں۔

جمعیت علماء اسلام (س) کے سربراہ مولانا سمیع الحق نے جلسے کے اختتام پر شرکاء سے دفاع پاکستان کے لیے جہادی جذبے سے لڑنے کا حلف بھی لیا۔ انہوں نے اعلان کیا کہ دفاع پاکستان کونسل کا تیرہ جنوری کو راولپنڈی اور بائیس جنوری کو کراچی میں جلسہ ہوگا

جلسے کے خاص خاص مقررین میں جماعت اسلامی کے سیکرٹری جنرل لیاقت بلوچ، آئی ایس آئی کے سابق سربراہ جنرل حمید گل ، مسلم لیگ ضیاء کے اعجاز الحق اور اہلسنت والجماعت کے مولانا محمد احمد لدھونوی شامل تھے۔

Source: BBC Urdu

Xenophobic declaration of the conference

Leaders of terrorist organizations LeJ, LeT etc and their affiliates at the conference

Supporters of Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan aka LeJ conspicuous due to their flags keenly listen to Imran-Khan’s anti-USA speech (previous occasion)

Sipah-e-Sahaba’s flags in Imran Khan’s anti-Drone rally

Imran Khan’s successful public rally in Lahore has made many tongues to wag. Political analysts are now forced to revise their earlier estimates about Imran Khan’s potential to create a niche for himself in the existing political set up in Pakistan. The most notable impact of Imran Khan’s jalsa has been on the politics of Punjab, especially in its urban centres, considered till recently Nawaz Sharif’s stronghold. In this article an attempt has been made to bring into focus the possible changes which might take place in the electoral politics of the central Punjab during the coming elections. Therefore, I will first trace the trajectory of electoral politics in Punjab since 1946 to demonstrate the transformations that have taken place in the society and polity of Punjab and how have these changes been reflected in the electoral fortunes of various leaders and political parties over a period of time. It will help us establish a framework whereby the dynamics of changing patterns in the electoral history of the Punjab could be delineated so as to make an informed study about the possible changes in the political landscape of the central Punjab with the advent of Imran Khan as a key player.

1946

Till 1940, the Unionist Party was the single most influential party in Punjab. It comprised of land-holding elites drawn from all religious communities of the Punjab. Their loyalty towards the British rulers was unflinching and they extended all possible cooperation to them in the war efforts on the occasions of two world wars. The British reciprocated by decorating them with medals and honours, and granting them lucrative tracts of land in canal colony districts which helped them to not only sustain rather enhance their power and prestige over the local populace. It was, hence, a mutually symbiotic relationship.

Political situation changed after the commencement of the Second World War. As Congress did not cooperate with war efforts, the British government turned to its traditional allies among the aristocracy.  Muslim League sided with the British government on the plea that Nazi Germany and its allies were common enemies of the whole of civilized world. While prominent leaders of the Congress were incarcerated, Muslim League was given a relatively free hand. It was done so as to dilute the significance of Congress in the Indian politics or at least among the Muslim majority areas from where bulk of military recruitment and resources were being drawn. Muhammad Ali Jinnah used the political vacuum to his advantage and re-organized his party and successfully mustered support for its agenda at the grass root level. His popularity reached its zenith at the time of the historic event in 1940 when Muslim League held its annual meeting in Minto Park Lahore. Such a powerful show of strength was followed by intense membership drives throughout Punjab and North India in which students of Aligarh Muslim University and other colleges played an active role. As Tahir Kamran has noted in his well-researched article on the elections of 1946 that such slogans as Muslim hai tu Muslim League mai aa were raised to gain sympathy for Muslim League and the cause espoused by it. Thus, Muslim League, under the charismatic leadership of Jinnah, emerged as a party which outsmarted all its rivals. It had the vibrant support of youth and, most importantly, an agenda for the rights of Muslims which touched a chord among overwhelming majority of Muslims in India. Because of these factors, the Unionist Party felt threatened. They could see the winds of change blowing in the direction of Muslim League. Therefore, many among them shifted their loyalties from Unionist Party to Muslim League. Despite all his charisma and popular support, Jinnah could not have won elections in Punjab without the support of Daultanas and Mamdots. This was also because of the fact that the urban base in Punjab was narrow and the franchise was limited.

Muslim League grabbed 73 out of 86 Muslim seats in Punjab and only a few of Muslim Unionists were able to retain their seats. These

Khizr Hayat Tiwana became a non-entity in Punjab politics post creation of Pakistan

results were in stark contrast with the elections held in 1937 when Muslim League had managed to win just two seats of which at least one was from an urban area (Malik Barkat Ali from Lahore and Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan from Rawalpindi who later crossed floor to Unionist party to earn the stigma of lota for the first time in Punjab’s electoral history). This was indeed a radical reversal in electoral fortune for Muslim League at the expense of Unionist Party. But even after the elections of 1946, Muslim League was unable to form a ministry in Punjab as Khizr Hayat Tiwana mustered support from Akali and Congress party to keep himself afloat as the premier of Punjab. It should be noted here that while all the Unionists shifted loyalties before the elections of 1946 (such as Mumtaz Daultana) or after the creation of Pakistan (such as Muzaffar Ali Khan Qizilbash) and became prominent leaders of Muslim League, Tiwana remained committed to his stance which opposed the creation of a separate state in the name of religion at the expense of centuries old pluralist traditions which had kept Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs together. After 1947, Khizr Hayat Tiwana became a non-entity in the politics of Punjab and spent the rest of his life in political wilderness. 

1970

First general elections in Pakistan at the national level with universal franchise took place in 1970. In these elections, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto emerged victorious in West Pakistan by winning 82 out of 138 seats whereas Sheikh Mujibur Rehman grabbed 158 out of 160 seats in East Pakistan. While reasons for Mujeeb’s absolute victory are understandable, the Bhutto phenomenon has intrigued historians and political scientists.

In the late 1960s, after resigning from the cabinet in anticipation of public outcry against the provisions of a peace agreement with India at Tashkent, Bhutto led a political campaign against Ayub Khan’s martial law regime. The so-called era of reforms and progress under Ayub Khan had led to industrialization and mechanization of farming practices in Pakistan. But the dividends of this economic development were unevenly distributed. A select elite comprising of 22 families – a figure popularized by economist Mehbub-ul-Haq – was widely believed to be holding 80% of country’s wealth and resources. In addition, the burgeoning urban based middle classes were now yearning for a fair share in the political decision-making.  It was also the high point of leftist movements in Pakistan. At no other point in Pakistan’s history were the leftists more active and politically relevant. The leftist intellectuals were instrumental in the political successes achieved by Bhutto. The likes of J. Rahim, Mubashir Hassan and Sheikh Rashid were among the founding members of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) who drafted its manifesto and painted it reddish with the slogan “Democracy is our politics, Socialism is our economy and Islam is our religion.” What benefited Bhutto the most was his ability – and that of his key advisers like Rahim and Mubashir Hassan – to transform Peoples Party as an umbrella organization in which various splinter groups with leftist leanings were incorporated.

Peoples Party emerged, to the surprise of everyone else, as the most popular political party in the central Punjab. In the elections of 1970, out of the total tally of 82 seats, 62 were won in the Punjab, 18 in Sindh and 1 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Thus, Punjab was the epicentre of Peoples Party electoral sweep in West Pakistan. Within Punjab, it was the central region of the province with its urban base which went Bhutto’s way. As reported by Andrew Wilder, Bhutto won 50.8% of popular vote in central Punjab and 43 out of 44 seats – more than double the seats that he won nationwide.

Just like Muslim League in the 1940s, Bhutto’s electoral strategy had the right ingredients. He was a charismatic leader and brilliant speechmaker. He realized that there was a political vacuum in West Punjab which he was able to fill with an ideology which struck a chord with the poor and the emerging middle classes who had been denied a fair share in the benefits accruing from economic progress in Pakistan during the 1960s. Most importantly, he had a dedicated cadre of young but experienced leftist workers who carried out his campaign in an efficient manner. Unlike Muslim League, however, Bhutto did not have the support of influential feudal figures in rural Punjab. It was more because such traditional power holders could not foresee the prospects of Bhutto’s electoral sweep. Hence they demurred to side with him in the elections of 1970. Needless to say, those who won on Peoples Party ticket,  were, thus far, political non-entities though they were well qualified and had years of experience working at grass root level. But they succeeded simply

A youngish Dr. Javed Iqbal was beaten by ZAB in 1970 elections

because they were ticket holders of PPP and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. It was no small achievement that a Sindhi feudal Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was able to defeat farzand-i-Iqbal Dr Javed Iqbal from his home constituency in Lahore! This phenomenal success popularised the adage that even if Bhutto had awarded a ticket to a khamba (electric pole), people would have voted for it. Ironically however, by the time elections of 1977 took place, Bhutto, swayed by political exigencies, relied heavily on traditional feudal families of Punjab. Instead of committed party workers and leftist cadres, Bhutto accommodated traditional elites. This was one key factor in disenchantment of the various leftist groups and individuals within PPP.

1990 and 1993

Bhutto’s performance in central Punjab during the election of 1970 was repeated by Islami Jamhuri Ittihad (IJI) – a conglomeration of rightwing political parties formed at the behest of establishment – led by Nawaz Sharif in 1990. It was a radical reversal in fortune. While in 1970 a conglomerate of various leftist groups had swept the polls, the same feat was repeated by IJI in 1990 when it also grabbed 50.8% of the total vote and 51 out of 60 seats in central Punjab. What can explain this extraordinary change in the electoral fortunes of the central Punjab? The foremost explanation is the role played by Pakistan’s Establishment which provided unlimited funds to coalesce an alliance of anti-PPP political parties. Through the rightwing Urdu press, a smear campaign was launched against Benazir Bhutto and her spouse Asif Zardari. The same press built Nawaz Sharif’s stature as an alternative national leader.

But more than anything else it was the policy of nationalization followed by Bhutto and Islamization by Zia-ul-Haq which had definite impact in bringing about a decisive transformation in the society and polity of urban Punjab. In the initial phase of nationalization policy, Bhutto targeted the filthy rich – the proverbial 22 families against whom he had led a charged rhetoric in his election campaign. Nationalizing banking sector and large industrial estates was, hence, a populist move which greatly added to Bhutto’s political power. But his later round of nationalization which targeted small and medium enterprises had disastrous fallout. While Bhutto became a messiah for the poor through these reforms, he lost – it seems forever – the support of newly urbanized industrial middle classes. Those who were hit by these reforms comprised mainly of migrant families who had, after decades of struggle, established their businesses as they were forced to forsake their homes and hearths as well as source of livelihood in India at the time of partition. The best example of such a migrant family was that of Nawaz Sharif. When an anti-Bhutto alliance was formed in the elections of 1977, it drew support – both political and financial – from those financially hurt by Bhutto’s policies. When Zia-ul-Haq came to power, these traders and businessmen threw in their lot with him as he gradually pursued a policy of de-nationalization whereby industrial units were given back to their original owners. Furthermore, Zia used the slogan of Islam to legitimize his rule. As positivist tradition in sociology suggests, newly urbanized classes – uprooted from their rural background and traditional clan ties – seek comfort and new associational patterns in religious observances and gatherings. Zia’s Islamization, therefore, received wide support from newly urbanized Punjabis.

Nawaz Sharif got the necessary space courtesy Zia ul Haq

Zia’s legacy of an Islamized society and support for trading classes was inherited by Nawaz Sharif who was ideally suited to such a designation. He was a scion of a migrant, business family steeped in traditional and religiously conservative ethos. He cashed on anti-PPP and pro-Islam vote bank to the maximum. As prime minister between 1990-92, Nawaz Sharif initiated a whole new era of liberal economic reforms which eased restrictions of capital transfer, facilitated industrial credit and loans and focused on building communication infrastructure. A policy of privitization was also quite vigorously pursued. These policies brought about a period of short-lived economic boom which greatly benefited the industrial base in the central Punjab and helped transform many medium sized industrial units into huge commercial enterprises. The benefits of this economic boom also trickled down to the trading classes in general. This established Nawaz Sharif as the single most popular figure in urban Punjab, especially among the trader community. In the elections of 1993 in which he had briefly fallen out of favour with the Establishment, Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-N percentage of vote was greater than its rivals in the central Punjab. PML-N won 46.6% of vote in comparison to 46.1% won by PPP and its allies. Still, PML-N managed to get only 28 seats while 31 seats went to PPP and its allies. But PML-N’s sweep of the urban constituencies in places like Lahore, Faisalabad, Gujranwala, Sialkot and Sheikhurpura was almost complete. This was despite the fact that an influential portion of PML-N’s rightwing vote was sliced off by Jamat-i-Islami which, instead of keeping an electoral alliance in the form of IJI, fought the election on its own under the banner of Islamic Front.

The urban centres of the Punjab remained supportive of rightwing and pro-Establishment PML-N between 1990 and 1997. Since 1999, PML-N – especially Nawaz Sharif – turned anti-Establishment after his own government was toppled in a military coup and he was imprisoned and later exiled to Saudi Arabia. For the first time, it became possible for a popular leader of the Punjab to raise tirade against the military. While other provinces had all suffered because of military’s role – whether in politics or because of its operations in the name of suppressing nationalists – Punjab had remained pro-military throughout the history of Pakistan. Till now Nawaz Sharif is holding on to his anti-Establishment rhetoric. His statements provide ample testimony to his anti-establishment stance in which he has asked for a commission to be constituted for the probe into Kargil fiasco and lashed out at the military leadership for its failure on Osama Bin Laden. Will he be able to continue with such an anti-Establishment rhetoric after a radical change seems imminent in the politics of urban Punjab by Imran Khan?

2012 or 2013

Till the beginning of 2011, Nawaz Sharif was still the most popular leader in Punjab. But now change in the Punjab politics seems in the offing. After his successful public rally in Lahore, Imran Khan has suddenly been catapulted to the national scene as an alternative leader. His coming out of the political wilderness and assuming the centre stage was on the cards for quite some time. His rise to this level of popularity has reminded many of the successful electoral campaigns of Jinnah and Bhutto. There are some reasons for such a sudden change. First, there is a political vacuum of sorts. Nawaz Sharif has had flak for being too friendly an opposition. His party despite controlling 60% of Pakistan is putting all the onus of the current mess squarely on the shoulders of PPP alone. Secondly, there has been widespread resentment against the Zardari government yet Nawaz Sharif has not capitalized on it. He probably is shying away to launch a movement against PPP, saying that he will not revert to the politics of confrontation reminiscent of the 90s. Thirdly, and most importantly, anti-American sentiments have soared to an unprecedented level. PML-N, as the main opposition party, could not come up with a clear stance on the war against terror. In this situation, Imran Khan is the only political figure who has a clear agenda no matter how much one dislikes or disagrees with that agenda. He is saying things which touch a chord among vast majority of Pakistanis. His anti-American rhetoric is high-pitched and he is using such innovative methods of public spectacles as overnight dharnas to convey these feelings. Like Jinnah’s idea of a separate state for Muslims and Bhutto’s slogan of roti kapra makan, Imran Khan too has conjured up political slogans which might be vague and (unlike Bhutto) extremely rightwing, but they have mass appeal. As far as masses in general are concerned, the ability to transform political slogans into effective policy measure is relevant only once the protagonist is elected into power.

Like Jinnah and Bhutto, Khan too has a dedicated set of followers. While Bhutto politicized the masses, Imran Khan has become the only person in Pakistan’s history who has successfully drawn the upper middle and elite interested into politics – at least temporarily. There are other differences between Bhutto and Imran Khan as well. Bhutto was left leaning while Imran Khan has gravitated to the rightwing. Most importantly, Bhutto rose to political power by championing an anti-Establishment cause. Khan, on the other hand, is advancing a cause which corresponds quite explicitly with the strategic purposes of the Establishment.

Imran Khan is fully cognizant of the importance of social media for propagating his political ideology. In this regard, the overwhelming majority of the “clicking youth” is supporting him. They can be found all over the web and they religiously project Imran Khan as a beacon of hope and change in Pakistan. What is disturbing, however, is that they resort to almost fascist tactics in silencing their critics through abuse and threat (Imran Khan is personally responsible for such behaviour because in his public speeches and interviews, he uses a similar language of ridicule and abuse). This is because large majority of these dedicated cadres of Imran Khan do not have any genuine training in politics nor do they have much of an idea about the history of Pakistani politics. It is because of their ignorance about politics that they are unable to see that Imran Khan’s agenda is vague, problematic or potentially disastrous for Pakistan. For them he is simply an iconic figure who is untainted from allegations of corruption and will bring about much needed radical change. Due to this lack of firm grounding in politics, many commentators are dismissive of the efficacy of this cadre in the electoral politics of Pakistan. Contrary to what many observers believe, I think these clicking youth may be politically naive and hail from a “burger” background, but they will definitely vote for Imran Khan in the coming elections. Previously this class of voters had predominantly been apolitical but this time they will turn up to vote for Imran Khan and will use social media effectively to make sure that each one of them exercise his/her right to vote.

There are two major sources of electoral power which Imran Khan has been able to tap successfully. First are the Pakistani middle class professionals (lawyers, doctors, MBAs, IT experts) and upper middle class or elites. Ever since Bhutto transformed Pakistani politics by empowering the masses, these elites and professional classes have been at a loss. They do not find popular politics amenable to their tastes. It is because this mode of politics limits the chances of these elites to play an effective role in politics. They usually look down upon the ability of the masses to exercise their right to vote in a rational manner. These elites had always prospered during autocratic regimes such as those of Ayyub Khan and Parvez Musharraf which accommodated ‘technocrats’ in various ministries and government organizations. Hence, there is no coincidence that these elites (along with upper middle classes and professionals) – before joining the bandwagon of Imran Khan – were enthusiastic supporters of Parvez Musharraf. For these elites and professional classes, Benazir Bhutto and Asif Zardari were too corrupt and Nawaz Sharif too boorish for their tastes. Imran Khan is equipped with not only charisma but also has a clean financial past, rightwing anti-American rhetoric and a degree from Oxford – all the traits admired by Pakistan’s middle or upper middle class. Most importantly, unlike Ayyub and Parvez, Imran Khan has the chance to bring about a bourgeoisie revolution in Pakistan through electoral means. In other words, as my colleague Umber Ibad puts it, “the question of the possibility of revolutionary change by Elites is successfully making resistance against elitism redundant.” Perhaps for the first time in many decades, the elites, professional and middle classes will determine the outcome of the elections through their votes. The spectacle created at the PTI jalsa was the highest point ever for elitist politics in Pakistan. It might set in motion a domino effect possibly affecting the lower middle classes (if not the poorest) into believing that since the elites and privileged sections (i.e. most educated) are supporting Imran Khan, he is inevitably the right choice. But at least for now, in the words of Imtiaz Alam, Imran Khan does not have the support of bazar and the poor. The bazar (small and medium traders) side with Nawaz Sharif in central Punjab and the poor are divided in their loyalty towards PPP and PML-N.

Punjab = World for Imran Khan

The second major source of popular vote for Imran are young voters in Pakistan. It is this newly created vote bank on the basis of which Imran Khan claims to have brought about a ‘tsunami of change’ in Pakistan. Of all the political parties and its leadership, he saw the potential of tapping this huge reservoir of political support. Just a few months back, videos and photos glorifying Imran Khan for such feats as winning the world cup, building a cancer hospital and sleeping on the floor along with other participants of a dharna against US drone attacks started getting viral on social networking sites. Impressed with what he was doing, the clicking youth picked up Imran Khan as a “cause” in the same way they had taken up the cause of, lets say, “Justice for Aiman Malik” and “Justice for Mughees and Muneeb”. It was a classical rendition of “Rang de Basanti” kind of youth activism. The young ones felt important by acting as a krantikari for Imran Khan’s cause and hence contributing something positive to Pakistan as patriotic citizens.

Other than his “own” vote bank, there is also a question whether Imran Khan will be able to take a big chunk of rightwing vote bank belonging to PML-N in central Punjab (lower middle class, traders etc mentioned above) – at least in main urban centres especially Lahore. Since this article is limited to a study of urban Punjab alone, I would not discuss in detail the electoral prospects of PTI in other parts of Punjab and Pakistan. At the most, about rural Punjab, I would simply repeat that even Jinnah was not able to win the elections in rural Punjab without the support of Daultanas and Mamdots. A gathering in Minto Park Lahore was not enough. Imran Khan is cognizant of this fact. Already leading families from South Punjab like Khakwani, Leghari, Qureshi and Tareen are lining up to forge an alliance with PTI. Since 1970, such influential families with a “guaranteed vote bank” have learnt a valuable lesson. They are careful to feel the public pulse before time. Mostly, however, they join a political force whose fortune is favoured by the Establishment.  If this trend continues then Imran Khan will have little to worry about the prospects of his electoral success in South Punjab even though it would mean accommodating tried and tested politicians.

This brings me to my main point about electoral prospects for PTI in central Punjab and the portion of rightwing votes sliced off from PML-N. I think Imran Khan is overestimating the importance of Lahore. Lahore is no longer as significant as it used to be in 1970. Back then Lahore gave an intellectual lead because of the predominance of Urdu print media in Lahore. Now the sources of information have become manifold. People are no longer dependent on newspapers and journals to develop an informed political opinion. Even within the politics of Punjab, regional power players do not necessarily take cue from what is happening in Lahore. Therefore, it is naive on part of Imran Khan to think that he will be able to repeat what Bhutto achieved in 1970 simply by establishing Lahore as citadel of its political support. At the same time, however, one cannot underestimate the importance of Lahore either. After all it is the Lahore jalsa which has made people talk about Imran Khan and take him seriously for the first time in 15 years. This is no small an achievement in itself and will go a long way in helping him lay foundations for his political party.

My point is that on the basis of one jalsa alone, it is too early to predict whether Imran Khan will be able to grab a major chunk of PML-N’s rightwing vote bank. It will depend on several factors.

First, Imran Khan is largely seen as yet another venture by Pakistani Establishment to keep itself dominant in the political process of Pakistan. Ever since Nawaz Sharif turned anti-Establishment, there had been a slot open for grab to anyone who could prove his popularity in which Establishment could consider investing its resources. Imran Khan may not be a direct recipient of funds (at least there is no documentary evidence from now; in case of IJI as well such evidence only emerged a decade after its formation) from the Establishment but there are several in his party who are well-known for such activities in the past. This includes, most prominently, General Hamid Gul and Mian Muhammad Azhar. It is possible that Imran Khan has turned a blind eye to such transactions and hoping to severe such links once he achieves desired political acclaim, support and popularity.

Secondly, it is also questionable whether the Establishment would risk building Imran Khan as a highly popular leader at the national level and not just in Punjab. On one hand the Establishment does realize the importance of a national leader for the benefit of the federation but at the same time it would be vary of ‘creating’ a figure who will, most certainly, grow out of its influence once fully established. Till now, most commentators thought of Imran Khan as a ploy by Establishment to achieve a fractured mandate in the coming elections so as to ensure that no single political party or popular leadership emerges to challenge its authority. Whether Imran Khan will be catapulted into a national leader or reduced to a status where he simply divides the electorate, will become evident during the coming months. In case the first strategy is adopted by the Establishment, we might see such developments as droves of ‘electables’ from influential families in Sindh  (such as Mehr, Shirazi, Jatoi, Sumroo etc who do not depend on PPP for an electoral victory) join PTI; close to elections, nationalist groups in Baluchistan might boycott the elections allowing the incumbent group of ‘representatives’ win the elections once again; MQM might follow the same pattern for either national or provincial elections; overseas Pakistanis are given a right to vote which would mean another one million voters for Imran Khan; there is an intensification of corruption scandals against Zardari and Sharif brothers; (possibly a disqualification as well); bye-election is held on some urban constituency in Punjab in which PTI candidate sweeps the poll against PML-N and so on. But if the latter course of action is favoured by Establishment then it might become evident through such means as a major financial scandal accusing leading PTI members or even charges of embezzlement in the charity run by Imran Khan. This will cut Imran Khan down to size and provide a levelled playing field for all the political parties in the coming elections so as to achieve a fractured mandate.

Thirdly, there are also reports are in circulation suggesting that Saudi Arabia wants PML-N and PTI to join their forces against PPP and its “Shiite” leader Asif Zardari. If this happens, then it would bring a premature end to Nawaz Sharif’s brief stint as a champion of anti-Establishment politics in Punjab. Even if he does not enter into alliance, it is certain that PTI will prosper with the support of Establishment. In either case, Punjab would be the main loser as it will yet again miss the opportunity to be consistent in its efforts against the Establishment. Needless to say that such an alliance would be disastrous not only for Imran Khan but for the progressive political forces of Pakistan as well.

Fourthly, the possibility of Imran Khan’s entering into an alliance with Jamat-i-Islami also lurks at the horizon. Both share their thoughts on the issue of the war against terrorism. It may slightly scuttle his popularity among the elite sections but it may be compensated with an added support he might muster from Islamist groups, especially in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.

Finally, there is another scenario – which seems most likely and feasible for Imran Khan – in which PTI takes a solo flight. Unlike other commentators, I believe if the elections are held now, Imran Khan has a fair chance of establishing his dominance by denting PML-N’s vote bank. Currently the political ambience is favourably poised for him and there is wild optimism in the air. As the time progresses, some of Imran Khan’s supporters might lose faith in him as he starts making political compromises by inducting tried and tested leaders from other parties like Abdul Aleem Khan whose past is  tainted with scandals of massive corruption. Obviously it is unrealistic to expect that Imran Khan will be able to scrutinize credentials of all those who wish to become part of PTI. But then it should also be noted that there is no way Imran Khan was completely oblivious of the credentials of some of the prominent politicians who have recently joined his party. If Imran Khan is taking such a high moral ground against corruption in politics, there is no margin for error for him. This is the price that he will have to pay for maintaining his reputation. Even a slight blemish on the financial record of any key leader of PTI will get noticed and highlighted by the opponents of Imran Khan to prove that he or his party are no different from other political parties. Those who hold pointing figures on others with an arrogant sense of moral superiority are reprimanded more severely if caught cheating even on a minor scale.

The kind of rhetoric employed by Khan against his opponents till recently and an irreconcilable and uncompromising attitude he has betrayed over the years will badly hurt his reputation once, under the compulsions of power politics, he starts making political adjustments and compromises (for example dealing with MQM in urban Sindh, especially Karachi). Already Imran Khan has become politically more pragmatic while his supporters are still idealists and relatively naive about real politik. After his successful public gathering in Lahore, a tired Imran Khan was asked by a journalist whether he will consider entering into an alliance with Nawaz Sharif. Even before the reporter had finished his question, Khan’s supporter standing behind him started nodding his head in negative. But Imran Khan, on the other hand, responded that he might consider it provided Nawaz Sharif declares his real assets. This is just an indication that there is already a yawning gap between the political pragmatism of Imran Khan and naive idealism of his followers who worship him as an idol of hope, change and clean politics in Pakistan.

Concluding Remarks

Is Imran Khan right in predicting that he will be able to repeat the performance of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in the next coming elections? It would mean that any khamba with a PTI ticket will win elections in the central Punjab. If not 1970, will it then be a performance similar to one achieved by Jinnah in the elections of 1946? It would mean that Imran Khan allows entry of traditional power elites from rural areas which might discredit some of his credibility among the upper middle and elite classes. Or will it be a performance similar to that of Nawaz Sharif in the elections of 1990 whereby he swept the polls thanks to the backing of Establishment? Or is it just sound and fury signifying nothing? The elections of 1946 drove Tiwana to political wilderness and Bhutto’s electoral sweep in 1970 brought an end to Daultana’s relevance in the politics of Punjab. If Imran Khan is able to repeat the performance of Jinnah or Bhutto, a similar fate awaits Nawaz Sharif.

At the moment, however, only one thing is certain: for Imran Khan and PTI it is now or never. As a concluding remark I would simply say that in case of a solo flight from PTI in an election which takes place during the next few months, the results might astonish all political parties and analysts. Another way in which Imran Khan can come to power is possible if no elections take place!

About the author: Ali Usman Qasmi is a PhD in South Asian History from the University of Heidelberg and author of Questioning the Authority of the Past: The Ahl al-Quran Movements in the Punjab (Karachi: Oxford University Press).

Imran Khan’s arrival at the much fraught political landscape of Pakistan should be a wakeup call to the slumbering and complacent PPP. But PPP will win the senate election with MQM support and all will be fine. PPP will stay in government and staying in government is all PPP is about! No need to address the real issues of bad governance, of poor economy, of minorities, of Balochistan, of basic and fundamental human rights of the people. Because despite these issues we won elections in AJK and in GB and by-elections in southern Punjab; the trends are in our favor we will win again and we will adjust seats and we have wooed Q League and we don’t tire wooing MQM, we also have a religious fundo on our side and the Pashtuns of KP are so obliged for the identity we gave them that they will not let us down! The GHQ is not unhappy with us and US; well we have a love and hate relationship; nothing to worry. We will get a second term the unaddressed issues are not so important than a second term and life goes on.

The 8 million children out of school are not the problem they can go to madrassahs instead and become militants or beg on streets, we will not meet the MDGs by 2015 but that is rationalized because “due to  terrorism” we can’t fully spend the under allocated health and education budgets. We keep getting upgraded on the list of corrupt countries and on dismal social indicators but corruption and social indicators are not the real issues; the real issue is the “threat of militancy” and that we will curb by force; not by any social reform as after all people become militants out of fun not because they are deprived. Polio cases in Pakistan can be the highest and more mothers and new borns can die here but people don’t know how bad it is in Africa…

This is the PPP escapist fairy tale but factually not; this is not what PPP is about, PPP is about the dreams of common man as that is how it was born; it was born as a result of massive support by the poor youth and common man of Pakistan against a dictatorship, PPP is the party that has rendered great sacrifices for the people of Pakistan, PPP stands for an ideology of equality and social justice, PPP stands for Pakistan.

BUT there is no dictatorship in Pakistan now; so why do people want a change and what is it that they want to see changed? How can the slumbering MNAs and ministers of PPP shove away the reality of Khan as the alternate promise; the change which infact PPP had promised to bring. But apparently the vision of its leaders has been lost in the slumber and contentment of keeping a govt, a term for which they were elected, as harps the Prime Minister far too often. Khan nowhere is near to the stature of Bhutto or BB so that comparative debate though feels good but is practically useless. The truth is that he is being considered as an alternate to the present leadership and this is what needs to be taken seriously. Khan might not have the political acumen but he enjoys public support and for any democrat this should be enough to take him seriously. Whether that support is from the urbans, the fundos or whoever; it can be criticized but cannot be undermined.

Will the common man who aimlessly stood outside of the Minar –e-Pakistan watching the concert-cum-Julssa continue to be a mere spectator? or will it, in times to come, join the momentum Khan has created amongst the educated Urban youth of Pakistan? And to be fair we cannot scoff at the educated youth for being educated (by calling them fake liberals) a). because we have always criticized the middle class apathy towards politics and b). because these skilled youth are the change agents for the future of this country and where they go in terms of their political allegiance is significant even if it doesn’t change much of the vote bank in Khan’s favor. But why are these youth in particular thronging at the Khan Julssas? For PPP this should be a time for reflection. The interior Minister as always bluffs ‘it’s between PTI and N’ what he fails to forsee is the extent, to which this movement can go, and he is mistaken if we thinks Khan will leave his newly found popularity at a Julssa and that it will be a mere snarl between PTI and PML-N. Because Imran Khan like any other politician is in politics to attain power, nobody is in politics to preach; he will go to any length to get it. If he doesn’t have the candidates; he will do it by forming alliances with his old friends like Musharaf and with Jamaitis… what a tragedy that will be for Pakistan as there will be a Change but for the worst. BB who was sure that Islamic militant sympathizers were behind the strike on her life would not be more upset to see Khan their proxy win the hearts and minds of the people of Pakistan and perhaps also come into power most likely with the help of other rightist groups. But who is to be blamed but BBs own party which is not living up to her and her fathers’ legacy.

Khan is a depressing alternative for representing the militant’s ideology (invisible to the youth) to a great extent. He can very well lead and misuse the unknowing youth to the obliteration of the secular mindset and towards a largely Shariatized country; from his perspective a caliphate state indeed! Unfortunately Khan’s mixed bag of ideology is only understood by his critics; therefore bashing him doesn’t help as his followers are as ardent supporters of his as were the supporters of Bhuttos. Hard to accept but this is true! It’s blind faith in Khan. Khan without a road map himself is representing that change for the youth. We can write article after article on Khan’s links with the army and ISI and support from the militant groups but we can’t deny that people who flocked at Minare Pakistan were Pakistanis; mostly youth who believe in one thing that is ‘Change for Pakistan’ and who believe only Khan to bring that change for their beloved country.

Why Pakistanis are pinning for change within less than four years?…when they got a democratic rule after ages of oppression …and why when they voted PPP in despite having lost the dynamic leadersip of BB. Why have they forgotten so soon the sacrifice BB made? why can’t they relate to PPPs political ideology anymore? Why are they so angry? The answer lies in what PPP has failed to offer to Pakistanis?

Khan talks about changing the system, whereas PPP is clinging to and defending the system that is rotten to the core. Khan talks about freedom from “American slavery” whereas PPP is happy being shackled by the US antagonizing pressure (who can forget the President’s prompt article in Washington Post last May on Abbotabad scenario). Khan promised the army will be in barracks and not killing innocent civilians, whereas PPP sleeps in the same bed with the Army; becoming a party to killing of Baloch, Punjabis, Shias. It reconciles and reconciles very ardently but only with those who shares power with it like MQM. Khan promises a just society whereas PPP has failed on many accounts to provide social justice to people…the poor have become poorer, the education and health budgets have decreased; the promise to solve energy crisis within a year has not come true, why should the people if at all believe PPP anymore? It has not even satisfied the ordinary worker of PPP by ensuring justice to its slain leader.

But Khan we will argue is still a depressing choice because despite the change he promises, he does not have a how-to-do strategy; then look at the PPP manifesto; it has All. But the leadership has shelved that manifesto which BB Shaheed had so restlessly developed. So why should people even care about Manifestos and so what if Khan doesn’t have a better one!

A glimpse from PPP manifesto, and it is for the readers to decide what has been delivered and what can be delivered in the remaining one year:

To the people of Pakistan we make the following Promises:

1. We Promise to rid Pakistan of violence, bigotry and terror
2. We Promise the youth of Pakistan gainful employment, hope and opportunity
3. We Promise to lower inflation
4. We Promise to provide quality education and health care, and clean drinking water, to the masses
5. We Promise to bring progress to the doorstep of the workers, farmers and small businesses
6. We Promise to protect and support the disadvantaged and the vulnerable
7. We Promise to make Pakistan a business friendly country
8. We Promise to give high priority to empowerment of women and ensure theirequal rights

10. We Promise to put Pakistan on a sustainable high growth path
11. We Promise to ensure sound macro-economic policies
12. We Promise to ensure a strong Defence
13. We Promise to ensure that energy shortages are eliminated
14. We Promise to protect the Environment
15. We Promise to ensure a world class irrigation system and sound use of scarce water
16. We Promise to enhance Provincial Autonomy
17. We Promise to put in place a citizen-centric government
18. Finally, We Promise Good Governance

Four years in power and party leaders still defend their non performance as inherited problems from the Mush regime, my question to them is didn’t Bhutto inherit a truncated and traumatized Pakistan? The humiliated Pakistani soldiers, an empty treasury, a tottering economy, an ubiquitous sense of desolation; but he picked up all the small pieces with a vision and with the help of a team the shattered Pakistan was rebuilt. Whereas in 2008 the present government found itself totally ill-prepared and clueless in addressing the challenges and the country went on a endless roller coaster from one crisis to the other. Although Khan emphasizes that corruption is the key problem in reality it is incompetence which is the key problem. I do think it is possible for PPP to find people who are reasonably competent amongst Pakistanis to help lead the nation to a better future. Because successful leaders like Mahathir Mohammad and Suharto also faced serious allegations of corruption and abuse of power but delivered remarkably to their people.

On another note is the image of PPP. In this modern era the parties website has been only updated to the extent that there are articles on the demise of Begum Nusrat Bhutto. Compared to the very vibrant and interactive website of PTI; the PPP demonstrates itself as a very conservative party just dragging along. Why is the People’s Students Federation the life line of Bhuttos Peoples Party dysfunctional? One wonders what do all these parliamentarians and office holders of PPP do; they have turned the entire party into an unavailing drag; sadly so as once it was a vigorous spirited platform for youth, artists, academics, professionals, writers and others. PPPs media policy is in the hands of conservatives too; why would a young man and woman support PPP when it is represented by people like either Fouzia Wahab or Firdous Ashiq Awan; nothing personal but they lack charisma and they offer viewers nothing but the old and depleted rhetoric. This is vital when the leaders themselves don’t communicate with the people like Khan himself does. Why young men and women of Pakistan will care for a President who never speaks to them who doesn’t care to reach out to the youth (even if security protocol he doesn’t use the media), why embrace a party whose visible faces are Rehman Malik and Baber Awan and others too who I won’t mention but they are simply off-putting. During BBs two incomplete govts political opponents and elements within Islamist parties and the military worked hard to destabilize her but the PPP as an organisation remained intact with a strong power base. But now it is the other way round PPP has managed to maneuver its way and has held the govt but is failing on account of keeping its power base with the people of Pakistan.

How long will PPP bank upon the laurels of its slain leaders if it doesn’t deliver, if it doesn’t deliver on Bhutto’s vision and it doesn’t deliver on BBs vision then politicians like Khan can take the same vision and sell it to the people. After all Khan referred to Bhutto as the Leader in his Lahore Jalssa at the very start of his speech, undeniably his well thought out target are the Bhutto supporters. He will sell the same vision and make it into the hearts of the people because the actual party has failed the people and people have a choice but to turn to Khan and elude that he’s not Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.

They argue it took Khan 15 years to Arrive, infact it took Khan only 2 to 3 years as it is only after the people’s disappointment with PPP.

The above and similar discourse is currently being injected in Pakistani and international media in the aftermath of a PTI rally in Lahore (30 October 2011) which was successfully engineered and enacted by Pakistan’s security establishment as a warning message to current democratic set up and also to demonstrate to the US and West that Pakistani masses are anti-USA, anti-drone, pro-Taliban and pro-Army.

Not surprisingly, the above discourse is being injected and spread not only by right wing friends of the establishment (mostly in Urdu media) but also by (fake) liberal affiliates (mostly in English media) who usually work in close coordination to promote the establishment’s interests and objectives.

A few snippets from local and international media:

Declan Walsh (sounds familiar?) writes in in Guardian (citing, of course, Najam Sethi and Mosharraf Zaidi):

“Declare your assets or face the wrath of the people,” Imran Khan shouted, drawing roars of approval, in the largest rally for decades in Lahore, Pakistan’s political heartland. The crowd reflected the vein that Khan has tapped – young, urban and mostly educated Pakistanis who have grown disillusioned by the chaotic politicking and inept governance of the traditional political elite. “It’s an activation of the upper middle class – people who, over the years, haven’t had a voice in Pakistani politics,” said political analyst Mosharraf Zaidi. “It’s been slowly taking root. People are getting disillusioned, they saw Imran as more dynamic and focused,” said Najam Sethi, a veteran journalist and analyst. “I think Imran and the army will get along very well – if he ever comes to power,” said Sethi. (Source)

Next, known pro-Taliban and pro-establishment journalist Hamid Mir offers a discourse which is not much different from Declan Walsh, Najam Sethi and Mosharraf Zaidi’s narrative.

A mind-blowing public rally of Imran Khan in Lahore on October 30 made it very difficult for the Zardari regime to give new commitments or accept any demands from the US to push its decade-long war against terror. Imran Khan has not only become a threat for traditional political parties inside Pakistan but is also going to become a big hurdle in the implementation of demands made by US during the recent visit of Hillary Clinton to Islamabad. The PTI leader criticised not only President Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif but also blasted US policies in the biggest-ever show of political power in Lahore in the past 25 years. His opponents often declared him “Taliban Khan” or the “modern face of Jamat-i-Islami” but hundreds of thousands of people enjoyed the songs of many popular singers in the Lahore rally. Imran Khan is becoming the voice of the common Pakistanis who are neither religious extremists not secular fascists. He is becoming a ray of hope for those disgruntled youngsters who have started hating democracy due to bad governance and corruption. These youngsters can now bring about a change in Pakistan through their vote power. Youth is the real power of Imran Khan and this youth belongs to the lower middle, middle class. This is the most disillusioned class in Pakistan but now the youth of this class is becoming active, which is a positive sign. Hillary Clinton needs to realise the wave of change in Pakistani politics. She cannot understand this change without engaging Imran Khan. October 30 was just a beginning. World will see more changes on the political map of Pakistan and Imran Khan will play a leading role. (Source)

Three groups of propagandists

There are currently three groups of media persons who are acting as propagandists of Imran Khan’s (ISI-backed) PTI:

1. Those who personally attended the PTI rally on 30 October 2011 and visibly demonstrated their support by being seated behind Imran Khan on the main stage.

2. Those journos who could not attend the rally in person but actively highlighted and promoted the rally in the mainstream media (e.g., Talat Hussain, Kamran Khan, Hamid Mir) and also on Twitter (e.g., Mosharraf Zaidi, Tammy Haq, Omar Waraich).

3. Those media persons who are not propagandists of PTI but are influenced by systematic lies and propaganda of the first two groups.

While we are sympathetic to the third group and hope that they will soon realize their mistake, it is the first two groups who are cunningly trying to deceive the masses through lies and tactics.

Such lies and propaganda tactics include but are not limited to:

1. Exaggerated account of total number of participants: According to most accounts, the rally comprised at the most 100,000 participants, which is per se no less an achievement. However, it is important to consider three factors:

a. For many live-hearted people of Lahore, the rally was no more than a free concert in which they could see their favourite singers (Strings, Shahzad Roy etc) perform without paying a single rupee.

b. For PPP and PML-Q supporters, it was a convenient opportunity to dent PML-N’s alleged stronghold in Lahore.

c. For activists and affiliates of Jamaat Islami, Sipah Sahaba / Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Lashkar-e-Taiba, TTP etc, the rally offered an excellent opportunity to demonstrate their support for Taliban and Al Qaeda and hatred for the West.

2. Some of the propagandists are making funny claims, e.g., the attendance at the Lahore rally was the largest ever political crowd in decades.

Benazir Bhutto’s historical reception in 1986 during General Zia-ul-Haq’s military regime, her other rallies and most importantly the 2007 rally in Karachi of one million plus supporters is conveniently ignored by such propagandists.

BB’s arrival in Lahore 1986

BB’s arrival in Karachi 2007

3. The propagandists are conveniently ignoring the most important (and most disappointing) part of the said rally, i.e., Imran Khan’s speech which according to several objective political analysts was a huge failure. According to Nadeem Paracha, the speech was nothing more than a mix of feel-good sloganeering and hollow revolutionary spiel. According to daily Mashriq, there was nothing in Khan’s speech which might represent his promised revolution or change. According to Daily Times, by keeping quiet about the military’s role in Pakistani politics and the consequent mess we are in today, Mr Khan has certainly aroused suspicion. Many believe he has the blessings of the establishment.

End product:

Here’s a specimen of end product of the pro-establishment operatives’ systematic lies and propaganda:

Finally, this reality check:

Asad Kharral in Express Tribune provides an objective estimate of total number of participants in PTI rally based on various agencies reports: The Special Branch of the Punjab Police estimated that the PTI rally on Sunday attracted between 40,000 and 45,000 people. Provincial government figures suggest that about half of the PTI rally’s attendees were from Lahore while the remaining were from the rest of Punjab and even Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the tribal areas. The numbers from the federal government’s agencies, on the other hand, are higher. The Intelligence Bureau – the only agency directly answerable to the civilian government in Islamabad – estimates that the PTI’s crowd may have been as high as 60,000. The IB also estimates that, if the number of people unable to reach the venue due to traffic are counted, the total number of attendees at the PTI rally may well approach 100,000.

The same 100,000 (maximum) figure has been reported by various sources (ironically including some of the propagandists e.g. Hamid Mir and Declan Walsh) in their reports and columns.

To claim that PPP, PML-N or MQM have not been able to attract more than 100,000 people to a political rally in decades is a joke which must not be taken seriously.

For an example, we do not have to go very far. Right on the same day (30 October 2011) when Imran Khan was fuming against the democratic governments in Punjab (PML-N) and Pakistan (PPP-ANP-MQM coalition), the MQM in Karachi took out a massive rally in support of President Zardari which comprised a bigger crowd than Imran Khan’s political show cum musical concert in Lahore.

Unfortunately, MQM does not enjoy dedicated services of Mujib-ur Rehman Shami, Declan Walsh, Hamid Mir, Najam Sethi, Shirin Mazari, Mosharraf Zaidi etc. Thefore, MQM’s massive rally was not given due attention by certain media analysts and commentators whose current brief is limited to promoting Imran Khan and his PTI.

Here is, however, a picture of the MQM rally published in daily Dawn on 31 October 2011.

A picture, as they say, is worth a thousand words. Enjoy!

First of all, we congratulate Imran Khan and his PTI on attracting a sizeable crowd in their public rally (jalsa) in Lahore today. This is notwithstanding the fact that the military establishment, PPP, PML-Q, SSP-LeJ, TTP and JI all helped PTI to fill the Minar-e-Pakistan grounds due to different reasons. For the live hearted people of Lahore, it was also an opportunity to attend a free concert (usually costing Rs.3000 per person) in which leading bands (Strings, Shahzad Roy etc) performed.

Also, this is a fact that despite a sizeable crowd, Imran Khan’s speech was lacking in structure, ideology and a tangible future plan for Pakistan. His speech was clearly weak in many respects, e.g., no pragmatic plan was offered to rid Pakistan of energy crisis, unemployment, jihadi and sectarian terrorism etc.

One particular feature lacking in Imran Khan’s speech was his failure to acknowledge and condemn the ongoing persecution and killings of religious and ethnic minority groups (Shia Muslims, Ahmadi Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Balochs, Pashtuns, Hazaras etc) at the hands of the military state and its various proxies (TTP, Haqqani Taliban, LeT, LeJ, SSP etc).

Due to his pro-Taliban and populist anti-USA stance, Imran Khan has a considerable following in extremist Deobandi and Ahle-Hadith organizations, e.g., LeT (JuD), SSP (LeJ), TTP, JI etc, therefore, a considerable number of Islamists belonging to these groups had travelled from as far as Bannu and Mardan to participate in Imran Khan’s jalsa in Lahore.

PTI activists from Kyber-Pakhtunkhwa were seen dancing on Pashto songs, with PTI flags in hands; their headbands read:‘ISF Al-Jihad’. The SSP-LeJ workers in PTI Jalsa were conspicuously wearing headband “Al-Jihad”.

The presence of TTP-SSP-LeJ youths in PTI jalsa: Is this the ‘change’ Imran Khan is promising to Pakistan?

Update: Here is an extract from a news report published in Dawn (31 October 2011):
Activists of the Insaaf Students Federation from Peshawar reached there with headbands inscribed with Al-Jihad and joined their colleagues from Bannu, Abbottabad, Mardan and Swabi performing Hattan dance on a Pushto song being played there. They also displayed a big banner carrying “Go Zardari, Go Nawaz” slogan besides a huge flag of the PTI.

This unity between Imran Khan’s PTI and other Islamist parties (JI, TTP etc) has been previously documented in various posts. For example: http://criticalppp.com/archives/292 and http://criticalppp.com/archives/142

In one of his interviews, Imran Khan candidly explains his support for Jihad and justifies it as consistent with the UN charter thus giving it a (fake) liberal veneer.

Supporters of Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP aka LeJ) and Jamaat Islami (JI), conspicuous due to their flags, keenly listen to Imran Khan’s speech on a previous occasion

In the rally today, it was entertaining to see Haroon Rasheed, Mujib Shami and Dr. Shahid Masood on the stage along with Imran Khan. Add Mehmood-ur-Rasheed (ex-Pasban / JI), Dr. Arif Alvi (ex-JI) and Mian Azhar (ex-PMLQ) to this list, and the faith will become two-fold strong.

The best take away from the PTI jalsa today was that many liberal elites (Omar Waraich, Tammy Haq, Mosharraf Zaidi etc) who previously claimed to be neutral and objective journalists could no longer suppress their excitement over the ISI-JI-SSP sponsored PTI jalsa. Many such faces were (re)exposed on Twitter.

Today was yet another opportunity to identify those “liberals” who claim to be objective or even present themselves as PPP’s well-wishers but do not hesitate to support and promote an ISI-backed party.

Among the crowd at the PTI jalsa today was: Zain Qureshi – son of Shah Mahmood Qureshi, and former John Kerry aide.

Some liberal elites were seen spreading false information and rumours, e.g., Tammy Haq retweeted this disinformation fed by a Deep State loyalist:

AnjumKiani anjum kiani
RT by tammyhaq
#PTI caravan stopped by #Zardari. & #PMLQ supporters in #Jhelum & #Gugranwala. Negotiating to defuse stand off. Police request peace.

Today was the day for Pakistan’s urban, PPP-hating, non-voting middle-class. Even if it meant a coup they would accept it for Imran Khan. In 1958, 1977 and 1999, these people welcomed the Army. Today their numbers have relatively grown (thanks to JI-SSP-LeJ), and they were seen boldly backing an ISI-proxy.

As noted by a PPP leader (Farahnaz Ispahani), it is tragic  that the PPP can’t have open jalsas now as the TTP-SSP-LeJ operatives keep killing PPP leaders and workers, only rightists with the backing of extremist groups are safe.

Reverting to the subject of the post, Imran Khan’s performance with respect to Pakistan’s religious and ethnic minority groups was totally disappointing.

For instance, he failed to utter a single word on Ahmadiyya Muslims’ rights and persecution in Pakistan. He failed to pay tribute to more than 100 Ahmadi Muslims slaughtered in 2010 in this very city by his allies (TTP-SSP-LeJ).

Imran Khan did not refer to the ongoing persecution and killing of Pakistani Christians who remain victim of discriminatory legislation (blasphemy law in particular) by the state and violence by the LeT-LeJ goons supported by PML-N. Of course no tributes were paid to slain governor Salmaan Taseer nor was any reference made to Aasia bibi.

He did not at all refer to or condemn Shia genocide by his allies TTP-SSP-LeJ. Thousands of Shia Muslims killed by jihadi-sectarian proxies of the military state in the last few years simply do not exist for Imran Khan. He proves he is a total hypocrite when it comes to Shia killings in Pakistan (Kurram, Quetta, D.I.Khan, Karachi etc).

Imran Khan referred to copper mines and other resources in Balochistan, but made no mention of missing persons killed by FC-ISI-TTP on a routine basis. Of course, he conveniently failed to explain why his promised azaad adlia (independent judiciary) had failed to provide justice to the relatives of the missing Balochs and Pashtuns.

One wonders how can Imran Khan hope to win support from Balochistan when he does not even acknowledge thousands of Balochs and Shias killed by ISI-TTP-SSP?

Imran Khan unashamedly equated Taliban = Pashtun with complete and utter disregards of the thousands of Pashtuns who are as averse to the Taliban and their Punjabi mentors as they are weary of Chechen and Arab terrorists in their lands. It may be noted that Imran Khan (not unlike Tariq Ali, Khaled Ahmed and Najam Sethi) always tries to confuse the issue of ‘Pathan’ and ‘Taliban’ by suggesting that the fight with Taliban is equal to genocide of Pashtuns.

He asked Indian forces to exit from Kashmir while ignoring that Punjabi forces are busy killing and abducting Balochs on a daily basis.

Imran Khan assured Hindus, Christians of false security in a token one line reference, while ignoring the fact that his own allies (TTP-SSP allies present in his jalsa) are in all likelihood planning their next suicide attack on Hindus, Christians, Shias etc.

Same reservations about Imran Khan’s speech were expressed by Dr. Nazir S Bhatti, President of Pakistan Christian Congress. Dr. Bhatti said that Imran Khan’s speech fell short on protection of rights of religious minorities in Pakistan. Imran Khan failed to comment on controversial blasphemy law, election system for minorities on reserved seats in National Assembly of Pakistan, Senate of Pakistan and Provincial Assemblies. He either assured minorities to raise their reserved seats in parliament nor mentioned Quota for Christian students in professional colleges and higher academic institutions and due share in job opportunities. “Tehreek Insaf TI, Pakistan Muslim League (N) and Pakistan Peoples Party PPP have no program to bring 20 million Pakistani Christians in mainstream politics of Pakistan”. Nazir S Bhatti said that Imran Khan might be a good cricketer but cannot be a successful politician in Pakistan, notwithstanding the fact that military establishment is conspiring to bring new actor in political arena to press upon Western countries.

Acknowledgement: The above is a first draft which has been compiled based on various tweets and emails by some social media activists.