“I made mistakes and I am prepared to admit them but so must others. Others also owe it: they owe it to their own armed forces, to the people of Pakistan and to the Muslim world.” In one of her most candid interviews, Benazir Bhutto bluntly talks about her two terms in office, the difficulties that she faced, the things that she implemented and her vision for the future of Pakistan.

As Pakistanis, we are a little bit crazy when it comes to politics. We either love to make our politicians holy cows so much so that we cannot even accept constructive criticism regarding their policies or we just hate them to the extent that we will believe any allegations against them without even needing or wanting a proof. Benazir Bhutto fits perfectly into both camps. There are those who are ever ready to admire her (and very rightly so) for her courage and struggle for democracy in Pakistan by overlooking some of the faulty laws or policies enacted by her party; At the same time, there is certainly no shortage of those who are only going to believe whatever her opposition has to say and will never pay attention to her sacrifices for this country.

Despite being in power twice, she was a great believer in the power of the people and saw herself just as their representative, not a ruler. Even though military in Pakistan has always been successful in getting public support by picking up causes that has hurt this country in the end more than anything else, Bhutto always wanted to play the game of politics through proper channel in an unfair system which was ever ready to demolish democracy even before it had any chance to blossom. She believed that it was the people of Pakistan that should determine the future of this country as it is their country. “The real solution lies not with any individual. I can only give a clarion call. Then it depends on the masses whether they rally around that call to say that they want a constitution based on the supremacy of the will of the people and that the prime minister and parliament must determine national security and not the military.” However, I must say, we as people have disappointed her.

And it is not just a thing of the past, just look at the power balance in Pakistan today. People are always very sensitive to listen to any criticism of our military leadership and intelligence agencies. What they fail to realize is that pointing the mistakes of policies that are destroying our country is not less patriotic or treasonous; In fact it is more patriotic because you always criticize those who you love the most. If you don’t care about something, you are never going to interfere in their business and let them go down the path of destruction. But in case of Pakistan, the role of such institutions “has led to the destabilisation of political governments, the collapse of the economy and has undermined our standing in the international community.” Therefore, it is our duty as citizens of this state to question and speak against those whose decisions are causing problems for this country. The tragedy however, is that majority of our nation is unaware of the past and present policies of army and intelligence that has led Pakistan into one chaos after another. Benazir Bhutto clearly express her frustration when she says that people expect politicians to solve our problems but “how can a political party fight an organised military, several intelligence outfits, the president and the judiciary? It is very important to create this awareness. It is very important for the press to come on board to expose these manipulations.”

Now people always malign PPP government for being a puppet of US. You can certainly have your opinions on that but it’s not like the military has been making Pakistan independent of US slavery. In fact, some of the worse puppets that are the cause of our dire state today were army generals who have never cared about the prosperity of ordinary people and have this country be used by outside powers to fight wars with which we had nothing to do with. Despite the role of army in destroying our democracy and persecuting democratically minded leaders, Bhutto’s vision of future Pakistan included reconciliation between different authorities, not confrontation because at the end what matters is Pakistan, which is bigger and better than any one individual or institution. In her words, “It is for us, as a nation, to decide what we want together. The army can reveal its true intentions by eliminating democracy and Quaid-e-Azam’s Pakistan through rule by puppets — and there are a lot of puppets in the market. Or else, the military has to learn to acquiesce to the people’s will. We are all part of the problem and we are all part of the solution. I think there is a need for a frank and open talk between all the different players because, in our own ways, we all love Pakistan.”

Even though she was attacked by religious right for her progressive and modern ideals, she was not only well aware of her roots but also proud of them. For her, it was her identity as a Muslim woman that gave her the courage to do the things that she envisioned and face the atrocities that lied in her path. “I see life as a journey where every single soul is tested by Allah. What sustains me is my faith. I am not a fanatic though my enemies portray me as a fundamentalist with a dupatta on the head and a tasbih in hand. I am devout. I am like many modern Pakistanis who do believe in equal opportunities, freedom and free markets but who also need spiritual sustenance in a world that is increasingly materialistic.”

While this particular interview is some 10 years old, she very accurately predicted the future of Pakistan. Today we are standing at the same cross-roads where we have always found ourselves in. “Either the democratic forces win or the establishment wins. If the establishment wins, the past will be repeated and that is what has happened for 50 years. If the democratic forces win, maybe the 21st century will be different for Pakistan. It is a fight and we are unable to say who will be the winner. But then, democracy is also about evolution. And democracy is also about fighting for what you believe is right and not giving up.”

Just as candidly as she started the interview by accepting her mistakes, with the same honesty she tells that whatever power she has to bring any change, it’s the same as people of Pakistan want to give to her. “I am not a messiah. I can only work within the limitations placed upon me by the people (in terms of my ability to effect constitutional change) and the institutional realities of Pakistan.”

You don’t have to be a PPP or Benazir Bhutto’s supporter to realize that when she talks about the power imbalance in our country, she does have a point. Nations who don’t learn from their past are bound to repeat it and go down the path of doom. Civilizations after civilizations have been destroyed and not a single sign of them has been left just because they forgot to adapt to demands of modern world and were too busy glorifying the past or what could have been. It is high time that we do take a stand for something that we believe in because if we don’t, may be nothing would be left to take a stand for.

دھائیوں کا نشانہ

پانچ جولائی 1977، چھ اگست 1990، پانچ نومبر 1996 اور اب 2012 کی کوئی وارد کی ھوئی تاریخ کونسی ھوتی ھے اسکا انتظار کرنا پڑیگا یا پھر موجودہ گورنمنٹ کی دی ھوئی تاریخ کو معجزے سے کم نہیں سمجھنا چاھئیے اور کچھ لوگوں کے لیئے یہ ہضم کرنابھی مشکل ھو گا کیونکہ اصل مسلہ تو سینٹ کے الیکشن کا ھے کہ اس کو کیسے روکا جائے۔ یہ تناظر تو پیپلز پارٹی کی حکومتوں کے گرائے جانے کا ھے لیکن اسکے علاوہ مسلم لیگ ن کی حکومتیں بھی آرٹیکل 58-2b اور ڈنڈے کے زور پر گھر بیجھی گئی ھیں۔ اب اگر صرف 33 سال پہلے سے شروع ھونے والی چند چیدہ جیدہ شہادتوٰں کا جائزہ لیا جائے تو یہ بات روز روشن کی طرح عیاں ھے کہ 4 اپریل 1979 کو نہ صرف شہید زوالفقار علی بھٹو کو عدالتی طورپر قتل کیاگیا بلکہ پیپلز پارٹی کو ختم کرنے کی مذموم کوشش کی گئی تاکہ پاکستان کو مظبوط کرنے، عوام کو سیاسی شعور دینے، انڈیاسے جنگی قیدی واپس لانے، انڈیا سے زمین کی واپسی، محسن پاکستان کے زریعے ایٹم بم، اقوام متحدہ میں شمشیر علی کی رفتار میں پاکستان کا مقدمہ، یونیورسٹیوں کا جال، اسلامی آئین، آزاد خارجہ پالیسی، امریکہ سے برابری پر تعلقات،اسلامی سربراہی کانفرنس، شراب پر پابندی اور جمعہ کی چھٹی، کشمیر پر واضح موقف، گلگت بلتستان کو حقوق، قبائلی علاقوں میں سیاسی اور جمہوری اصلاحات، زرعی اصلاحات، حج پالیسی، وڈیراہ ازم کا خاتمہ، عوامی حکومت براستہ عوامی نمائیندے، شناختی کارڈ اور پاسپورٹ، بیرون ملک شہریت اور بے شمار تاریخی کارنامے والی یہ سیاسی اور جمہوری جماعت صفح حستی سے ھی مٹ جائے لیکن جسے اللہ رکھے اسے کون چھکے۔ بھٹو شہید نے آمر کے آگے جھکنے سے انکار کیا اور پھانسی پر جھول گئے اور اپ بھٹو شہید کا نام تب و تاب جاودانا بن گیاھے اور غداروں، منافقوں، سیاسی یزیدوں کو کوئی پوجھنے والا تک نہیں ھے۔

ہاں پر آگے چلنے سے پہلے اس بات کا زکر کرنا نہائیت لازمی ھے کہ بھٹو شہید کی دور اندیشی نہ صرف ملکی معاملات یا سیاست پر تھی کہ جس سے انکی ولولہ انگیز شخصیت کا پتہ جلتا ھے بلکہ انہوں نے اپنے نام کے زریعے بھی بہت نفیس اور جامع پیغام دیا اور وہ تھا بے نظیر بھٹو یعنی بھٹو لیکن بے ظیر کہ جس کی کوئی مثال نہ ملتی ھو۔ تو کیا اس دختر مشرق اور شہید جمہوریت نے اس نام کی لاج نہیں رکھی۔ اپنے باپ کی شہادت پر ھمالیہ کو روتے ھوئے دیکھا تو سیاست اور عزم میں ھمالیہ سے بھی زیادہ مظبوط اور بلند ھو گئیں۔ سوا دو سال گھر میں نظر بند رہنا اور پھر تاریخ کے بد ترین آمر کا مقابلہ کرنے کے ساتھ ساتھ شہیدوں کے فلسفے کو من و عن آگے پہنجایا۔ اپنے دو بھائیوں کو شہید ھوتے ھوئے دیکھا، مادر جمھوریت کی لمبی بیماری کے علاوہ اپنے شوھر (مردحر) کی رھائی کے لیئے جیلوں کے چکر کاٹنے پڑے۔ 18 اپریل 1986 کے بعد دو ادوار کی ادھوری حکومتوں جن میں بے شمار تاریخی کام جس میں کہ میزائل ٹیکنالوجی کے باوجود حق سچ کی جنگ میں 18 اکتوبر 2007 کو ساسی یزیدوں کو للکارنا اور 27 دسمبر 2007 کا سیاہ ترین دن کہ جب عوام میں جام شہادت نوش فرمایا۔ تو مخالف سمجھا کہ اب پیپلز پارٹی گئی لیکن جب بھٹو شہید نے یہ کہا کہ بھٹو ایک نہیں دو ھیں تو کچھ غلط نہیں کہا اور پھر سب نے دیکھا کہ بھٹو کے فلسفے کو پرقرار رکھنے کے لیئے مرد حر آصف علی زرداری نے پاکستان کپھے کا نعرہ لگایا اور نہ صرف پارٹی بلکہ پاکستان کو بجایا۔ اپ تاریخ نے ایک نیا موڑ لیا اور اغیار نے بھٹو کو پھر سے گڑھی خدابخش سے حکومت کرتے ھوئے دیکھا۔ 18 اکتوبر 2007 کو اگر کوئی اور  لیڈر ھوتے تو ملک جھوڑ کر بھاگ جاتے جیسا کہ دوسری پارٹیوں کے کچھ لیڈر اپنی جان بچاکر بھاگ گئے تھے۔ لیکن یہ بھٹو تھیں اور وہ بھی بے نظیر قسم کی کہ جو سیاسی قربلا کے یزیدوں کو تو للکارتی رھیں لیکن سیاسی قربلا جھوڑ کر بھاگی نہیں اور پھر 27 دسمبر کو دنیا نے دنیا کو روتے ھوئے دیکھا۔

آصف علی زرداری نے جنرل مشرف کی اقتدار سے علیحدہ کرنے میں جس سیاسی پصیرت کا عملی نمونہ پیش کیا تو اپنی اس سوج کو واضح کردیا جو انہوں نے محترمہ شہید بے نظیر بھٹو سے ھر لمحہ اور ھر ساکت سیکھٰی۔ بھٹو شہید کی طرح حمودالرحمن کمیشن کو مد نظر رکھتے ھوئے جنرل مشرف کے خلاف کوئی ایسا فیصلہ نہیں کیا جس سے کہ فوج جیسے مضبوط ادارے کا مورال کم ھو۔ اب سارے اھم اور دور رس نتائج کے حامل کارنامے جس میں 33 سال بعد 1973 کے آئین کی بحالی، 19 سال بعد NFC ایوارڈ، پاکستان کی 65 سالہ تاریخ میں صدارتی اختیارات کی پارلیمنٹ کو منتقلی، گلگت بلتستان کو کونسل سے زیادہ اختیارات دینا، صوبوں کو زیادہ سے زیادہ اختیارات دینا، بلوچستان سے معافی مانگنے کے علاوہ ان کے حقوق کا باقاعدہ آغاز،گورنمنٹ کے 80 سے زیادہ اداروں میں ملازمین کو 12% شیرز دینا، حقوق نسواں کی پاسداری، بے نظیر انکم سپورٹ، کشمیر کے لئیے انڈیا کو مذاکرات کی میز پر لانا اور تجارت کی صحولتیں محیاکرنا، فاٹا یعنی قبائیلی علاقوں میں پولیٹیکل پارٹیز ایکٹ کا اجرا، مالاکنڈ ڈویژن میں معجزاتی امن قائم کرنا، ملک کی تمام سیاسی اور مذھبی جماعتوں کو ساتھ لیکر چلنا، بٹھان قوم کو خیبر پختونخواہ کی شناخت دینا، عوامی مینڈیٹ کو ماننا، امریکہ کو پاکستان کی ایمیت کا احساس دلاتے ھوئے NATO کی سپلائی روکنا، شمسی ایئر بیس کا خاتمہ اور بون کانفرنس سے انکار، امریکی پریشر کے باوجود ایران کے ساتھ گیس کا معائدہ کرنا، تھر کول کے ذخائر سے بجلی اور گیس پیداکرنا، بھاشادیامیر ڈیم کا افتتاح، ڈیفنس بجٹ کو پہلی بار پالیمنٹ میں لانا،قدرتی آفات کا حوصلے کے ساتھ مقابلہ کرنا، اسامہ کے مسلئے پر اپنی افواج کا ساتھ دینا، تخریب کاری جیسے اژدھا پر کافی حد تک قابو پانا کہ اب تو ملک میں ھر پارٹی بڑے بڑے جلسے کرہی ھیں۔  خیر میں چاھتے ھوئے بھی اور معاملات کا ذکر نہیں کر نا جاہتا کیونکہ اس حقیقت سے کوئی انکار نہیں کرسکتا۔ اب پاکستانی قوم اس مشکل کو حل کرنا جایتی ھے یا حل ھوتے ھوئے دیکھنا چاہتی ھے جو کہ دن بدن نہ صرف اپنے ناعقبت اندیش تجزیہ نگاروں، سیاسی اداکاروں، ٹھکرائے ھوئے سیاستدانوں کی ملی بگھت کے ساتھ ساتھ اب انٹرنیشنل میڈیا اور کچھ پرانے انٹرنیشنل کھلاڑی بھی شامل ھو گئے ھیں۔ پیپلزپارٹی کوئی فرشتوں کی جماعت نہیں کہ جس سے کوئی غلطی نا ھوئی ھو لیکن سوال یہ پیدا ھوتا ھے کہ پیپلزپارٹی کو اس کے تاریخی کاموں کی سزا آخر کیوں دی جاتی ھے اور اس میں وہ ادارے جو کہ پیپلز پارٹی کے مرحون منت ھونے چاھیں ان اداروں کے کچھ لوگ ھی پیپلزپارٹی اور اسکی قیادت کے پیچھے پڑ جاتے ھیں۔

پیپلزپارٹی کو دفن شدہ مقدمات اور پاسٹ اینڈ کلوز ٹرانزیکشنز میں زبردستی گھسیٹا جا رھا ھےاور جن مقدمات میں حکومتوں کو گرانا اور ناجائزحکومتوں کو بنایا گیا اور دیگر بڑے بڑے مقدمات کو ہاتھ تک نہیں لگایاجارہاھے۔ پیپلز پارٹی  بھٹو شہید نے اپنے خلاف پھانسی کا حکم دینے والے ججز کو بھی مائی لارڈ کہہ کر پکارا اور تاریخ گواہ ھے کہ پیپلزپارٹی نے کبھی بھی عدلیہ پر حملہ نہیں کیا۔ اور اب صدر پاکستان آصف علی زرداری اور موجودہ حکومت نے آرٹیکل 58 2b ختم کردی ھے اور وہ راستے بھی بند کردئیے کہ جس سے صدر پر پر یشر ڈال کر اسمبلی کو جلتا کر دیا جاتا تھا۔ تو پھر کونسا راستہ بچ جاتاھے کہ جس سے نہ صرف حکومت کو چلتا کیاجاسکے بلکہ 35 سال پہلے جلنے والی ناپاک سازش کو پایہ تکمیل پہنچایاجائے کیونکہ اس سے عوامی راج کا خاتمہ بھی مقصود ھے۔ کھیل وہی کھیلا جارہا ھے لیکن اب زرا انداز مختلف ھے اور اس میں انفارمیشن ٹیکنالوجی کا بھی استعمال کیا جارہا ھے۔ پیپلز پارٹی ایک نظریہ ھے اور اس میں شہید قائدین اور شہید کارکنان کا لہو بھی شامل ھے اور ان سیاسی فرعونوں کو یہ معلوم ھو نا چاھیئے کہ شہید اور بھٹوز کبھی نہیں مرتے۔ اب تو نہ صرف بلاول بھٹو زرداری اور آصفہ بھٹو نے بھی اپنے شہید نانا اور شہید ماں کی طرح اس ملک پر قربان ھونے کی قسم اٹھالی ھے بلکہ نوجوانوں اور پارٹی کے جیالوں نے بھی ان کے لیئے اپنا خون کا آخری قطرہ تک دینے کا ازم کر رکھا ھے۔

پاکستان کا پودا گملے میں لگا نے کے بعد ہم بھول گۓ کہ اسکو ہم نے کشادہ زمین کے سینے میں منتقل کرنا ہے۔ اب اس پودے کینمی اور سانس رکنےلگی ہے۔ سورج کی روشنی بھی اب اسکے لۓ بیکار ہوتے جارہےہیں۔

پاکستان جو آدھی صدی سےگزرکر آدھی صدی کی کہانی بیان کرنے والا ہے، اس کے پاس کہنے کوکیا ہے؟ مرکز کے اختیارات اور صوبائ خود اختیاری سوال، پارلیمانی یا صدارتی نظام کی بحث، ریاست اور مذہب کے تعلق کی نوعیت، بار بار آیئین کی پامالی، اقساط میں خودکشی کرتی ہوئ جمہوریت، لمبی طویل فوجی بوٹوں کی چاپ، پاکستان کے ٹوٹ کر آدھا ہو جا نے کا نوحہ، نمائندہ رہنماؤں کی جلاوطنی، قائد عوام کا قتل، سڑکوں پر بہتا شہید جمہوریت کا خون، ایجنسیوں، بیوروکریسی اور اپوزیشن کی سازشیں، سیاسی اور مذہبی جماعتوں کے تضادات، عوام کا بے سمت ہجوم ۔ مگ افسوس ہم نے آج بھی کچھ نہیں سیکھا۔

ہمارا المیہ یہ ہے کہ ہمارے غیر نمائندہ ریاستی اداروں نے آ ج تک بین الاقوامی اصولوںاور بنیادی اقدارکی نفی کی ہے اور انسانی ذندگی کی عضمت کوپامال کیا ہے۔ اجتمای مفاد کی بجاۓ انفرادی مفاد کو سامنے رکھا ہے۔ جس سے ہمارے نظام کامجموی ڈھانچہ ریت کے ٹیلوں کی طرح بکھرتے بکھرتے صحرا بن چکا ہے، جہاں ہر طرف سراب نظر آتے ہیں۔

پاکستان کی تاریخ بحرانوں اور جرنیلوں کی تاریخ رہی ہے، جس میں ججوں اور جرنلسٹوں کا بطور آلہ کار ایک کلیدی کردار رہا ہے۔ ہر موڑ پر ایک نیا چیف مارشل لا ایڈمنسٹریٹر نۓ سائن بورڈ کے ساتھ کھڑا دکھائ دیتا ہے۔ جس میں کسی پر اسلامی جمہوریت، کسی پر بنیادی جمہوریت اور کسی پر حقیقی جمہوریت لکھاہواتھا۔

جمہوریت کے راستے سے ہٹانے والے ان سائن بورڈز کی منزل تباہی و بربادی کی گہری کھائ تھی ۔ ان غیر نمائندہ حکمرانوں نے جمہوریت کی نشو ونما روکنے کے لۓ سیاسی قیادت کو ہمیشہ گملوں میں رکھنے کی سازش کی ہے۔ اگر کسی سیاستدان نے اپنی جڑیں کشادہ زمیں میں منتقل کرنے کی کوشش کی ہے تو اسے نشان عبرت بنا دیا گیا ہے۔ قید وبند کی صعوبتیں، زہنی جسمانی اذیتیں اور شہادت اس کی قسمت میں لکھ دی گئ ہیں ہم آج بھی جمہویت کی تلاش میں ہیں۔ اور آج بھی خطرہ ہے کہ ہمیں منزل سے بھٹکا کراندھیرے راستے پر ڈالنے کی سازش ہورہی ہے۔ این ار او اور میمو اس سلسے کی کڑیاں ہیں۔

وزیرِاعظم یوسف رضا گیلانی نے قومی اسمبلی میں اپنے خطاب میں کہا کہ انیس سو ننانوے میں نواز شریف کی منتخب حکومت کا تختہ الٹنے کا ذکر کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ اس وقت بینظیر بھٹو نے ان سے کہا تھا کہ ’یہ سیج ہمارے لیے نہیں سجایا گیا اور یہاں نہ ہم آئیں گے اور نہ وہ (نواز شریف)‘۔

وزیرِ اعظم نے حزبِ اختلاف کو خبردار کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ ’ اگر اب بھی کوئی سیج سجایا گیا تو وہ نہ آپ کے لیے ہوگا نہ ہمارے لیے‘۔

جو معاشرے تبدیل ہونے کی صلاحیت اور قوت کھو دیتے ہیں وہ گناہگار ہوجاتے ہیں اور انسانی معاشرے کا سب سے بڑا گناہ ‘جمود’ ہے۔ فرخ خان پتافی اپنے ‘روزنامہ ایکسپریس’ میں شائع ہونے والے آرٹیکل ‘ہم نے کیا سیکھا؟’ میں یہ سوال کرنے کے ساتھ ساتھ یہ تجزیہ بھی دے رہے ہیں کہ ہماری فوج، عدالت، میڈیا اور سیاسی جماعتیں ماضی سے سیکھنے میں ناکام رہی ہیں۔

اردو اور پنجابی کے معروف منفرد تیکھے لہجے اور بلند آہنگ شاعر اور ادیب نذیر قیصر روزنامہ مشرق کیلئے روزانہ قطعہ لِکھ رہے ہیں۔
ہم آج کا قطعہ قارئین کی خِدمت میں کراس پوسٹ کر رہے ہیں

ہم سب پرچم پاک کے چا ند ستارے ہیں

اک دوجے سے ٹکرانا ٹھیک نہیں

لہو میں بھیگی آزادی کی شمعوں کو

اپنے ہی ہاتھوں سے بجھانا ٹھیک نہیں

شاعر: نذیر قیصر

Source: Daily Mashriq(Page 3) January 13, 2012

Pakistan's Supreme Court has been traditionally allied with the Punjabi-dominated military establishment against elected governments.

Make so much noise that everything becomes inaudible-then people would hear what we want them to hear. This is how the Pakistani Establishment is controlling the game at the moment – It is very clear who is who, and what is what. But because of a concentrated effort to remove the current Government and head of state, all the other noises and all other logic is being drowned.

Today the Supreme Court of Pakistan has given the Government six options to remedy the NRO decision. Yes you heard this right, Courts are now providing multiple answer type option to their decisions. I am not aware how this would work in future, would this be that decisions would be given to murders they have six choices, varying degrees of punishment and even a possible acquittal. We provide, you decide.

Court has stated following options:

Option 1: Court would move against the Prime Minister, President and Law Minister because they were ‘harping’ that they shall not write a letter to Switzerland, and this equates to violating the court’s order they have violated their oath to office and so are not worthy of the office. 

The Honourable Judge states that Prime Minister made these claims in the floor of the House and Senate. Honourable Judge has made many references to Quran, but perhaps has oversight over Article 69 of The Pakistan constitution that explicitly prohibits any scrutiny of statements made on the House floor. The said speech is non-justiciable in any court as it as it was made in the floor the house – How has there been such an oversight is amazing.

President made a similar statement in an interview with Hamid Mir – Be that may, Only way to remove a President is through Article 47 of the constitution, i.e. two-third majority of the Parliament.

Option 2: The Prime Minister and the Law Minister would be held to have made contempt of court, virtue of which both Gentleman could lose their membership of Parliament, and their office along with it.

Though again Article 63 (1) (g) (ridiculing Judiciary or Armed Forces) is mentioned, though again Article 69 defence should apply. Thus only 63 (1) (h) is applicable.

Option 3: Supreme Court would form a commission under Article 187 that shall execute the said relevant decision. 

Option 4: Immunity to President under Article 248 has NOT YET BEEN DISCUSSED  and if anyone seeks to discuss this in the court, they may do so. 

In any case, it is highly astonishing thus far that court has not heard anything under Article 248 presidential immunity, which one would have thought is a highly important defense available to the Government against writing the letter.

Option 5: NAB chairman has failed and protected the accused, namely Ahmed Riaz Sheikh, and Adnan Khawja who have been appointed wrongly and to take actions against Malik Qayoom.

Option 6: Court may ask the Parliament to take such steps as it sees fit to ensure that court’s judgement is implement  

It is not clear what court means about handing over the implementation to the Parliament. Does the court expect a resolution by the parliament would suffice, which would first form a commission to ensure implementation and the the said commission can advise parliament of way it has ensure implementation .

You have ruled us enough
You have ruined us enough
You have raped our beloved country enough
You have destroyed our future and shattered our dreams
Enough is enough.

Your concepts are weird, your plans are insane
You are devious and deceitful
You are cowards and timid
You are cruel and ruthless
You are cunning and conniving
You are criminals and corrupt
Enough is enough

We are no longer afraid of long boots
We have no fear of big guns
You can’t bully us any more
Enough is enough

You have found new shoulders to take away our freedoms
Bigwigs are on your side and fake journalists speak your lies
But you all should know it is enough, it is enough

No more insults, no more intrigues enough is enough
No more blackmail, no more intimidation enough is enough
We will not let the Justice spread injustice enough is enough

Go away, go away it is enough, it is enough
Stay away, stay away it is enough, it is enough
We will fight you till the end
Enough is enough

“Sectarian politics are, in fact, becoming increasingly violent, as more Islamic parties and groups espouse militancy as the most effective method to promote their interests”, says Samina Ahmed, Crisis Group’s South Asia Project Director. “The majority of Islamic parties are far from abandoning the concept of militant jihad or cutting their ties to local and regional militants, including sectarian extremists, the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban and al-Qaeda-linked jihadi outfits”.

Reforms during military rule, particularly General Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamisation process (1979-1986), fundamentally altered the structure of the constitution and the legal system, giving Islamist forces new sources of influence and a political role disproportionate to their popular support. Around 25 Islamic parties are now involved in domestic politics in some form. A large part of their agenda is to prevent a rollback of those reforms. Largely independent of electoral results, their influence lies in their ability to pressure governments from outside parliament or by entering into politically expedient alliances with the two largest mainstream parties that are moderate on religious issues: the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N).

While their agenda and hence their popular appeal remain limited, the Islamic parties could still benefit from destabilisation of the democratic transition. To reduce religious intolerance and sectarian violence, enforce the rule of law, and strengthen democratic governance, the PPP, which controls the central government in Islamabad, should adopt a policy of zero tolerance towards all forms of religious discrimination, prosecute any individual or political party encouraging or supporting violence and require Islamic parties to disband their militant wings.

Zia’s discriminatory legislation remains one of the biggest tests for the PPP, a party that has repeatedly pledged to uphold the basic rights of all citizens and curb religious extremism. If the Pakistani state is to tackle these issues, its legislative branch should prioritise ameliorating discriminatory Islamic laws still in effect and pass a constitutional amendment to abolish the Federal Shariat Court.

“An Islamist takeover in Pakistan is highly unlikely, whether through militant violence or the ballot box”, says Robert Templer, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Director. “But as long as the Islamic parties are able to pressure governments, through parliamentary and/or often violent street politics, they will continue to obstruct vital democratic reforms, thus reinforcing an environment in which religious intolerance, vigilantism, and militancy thrive, the rule of law continues to deteriorate, and elected governments are unable to stabilise that vital country”.

Source: ICG

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The ability of Pakistan’s radical Islamic parties to mount limited but potentially violent opposition to the government has made democratic reform, and by extension the reduction of religious extremism and development of a more peace­ful and stable society, more challenging. This is a reflection of those parties’ well-organised activist base, which is committed to a narrow partisan agenda and willing to defend it through violence. While their electoral support remains limited, earlier Islamisation programs have given them a strong legal and political apparatus that enables them to influence policy far beyond their numerical strength. An analysis of party agendas and organisation, as well as other sources of influence in judicial, political and civil society institutions, is therefore vital to assessing how Pakistan’s main religious parties apply pressure on government, as well as the ability and willingness of the mainstream parties that are moderate on religious issues to resist that pressure.

These parties’ ability to demonstrate support for their various agendas is an expression of coherent internal structures, policymaking processes and relations between the leadership and the rank-and-file. These aspects of party functioning are, therefore, as critical to understanding their role in the polity and prospects of influencing policy in the future as in understanding their relationship to the state.

The Islamic parties that are the subject of this report might operate within the current political order, but their ultimate aim is to replace it with one that is based on narrow, discriminatory interpretations of Islam. They have also taken equivocal positions on militant jihad: on the one hand, they insist on their distinction from militant outfits by virtue of working peacefully and within the democratic system; on the other, they admit to sharing the ideological goal of enforcing Sharia (Islamic law), while maintaining sizeable mad­rasa and mosque networks that are breeding grounds for many extremist groups.

Moreover, belying their claims of working peacefully, the major Islamic parties maintain militant wings, violent student organisations and ties to extremist groups, and have proved more than willing to achieve political objectives through force. After parlaying military support during the 1980s into significant political and legislative gains, and even absent military support and the electoral assistance that entailed, the parties have still been able to defend earlier gains through intimidation and violent agitation on the streets. In response, faced with their opposition, the mainstream moderate parties have often abandoned promised reforms while in government, or even made further concessions, such as the National Assembly’s constitutional amend­ment in 1974 declaring the Ahmadi sect non-Muslim.

Such compromises have not offset the pressure of the ulama (religious scholars), as intended, but only emboldened religious hardliners.

The success of the six-party Islamic coalition, Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), in the 2002 elections in Northwest Frontier Province and Balochistan was initially perceived to be testament to the Islamic parties’ power if they were unified in a single bloc. This result, however, was in fact due to massively rigged polls by the military regime of General Pervez Musharraf, which sought to sideline its main opposition, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Furthermore, the alliance, as reflected in its subsequent breakup, arguably revealed more about internal differences between the parties – particularly between the two largest and most influential, the revivalist Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and the orthodox Deobandi Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam (JUI) – than about their unity. Deprived of the military’s support in the 2008 polls, the MMA was routed by the PPP, PML-N and Pashtun nationalist Awami National Party (ANP).

Although the Islamic parties support the enforcement of Sharia, they represent different schools of thought, and their resulting acrimonious relations have resulted in intra-religious violence and created splinter factions that have weakened the original party or, in some cases, made it defunct. This has also diminished the likelihood of a restored alliance in the next general election. Nevertheless, the Fazlur Rehman-led faction of the JUI (JUI-F), the JI and smaller Islamic parties remain relevant due to their relative internal coherence; a committed hardcore base, including youth recruited through madrasas and, particularly in the JI’s case, university campuses; and the ability to leverage state institutions.

Their prospects for access to meaningful political power, however, still depend on military patronage. Should an ambitious high command decide to disrupt the current democratic dispensation, as in the past, it would likely rely on the Islamic parties to counter the mainstream moderate opposition. In a sustained democratic transition, however, the ability of these parties to influence the polity will depend on the effectiveness of the mainstream moderate parties to consolidate civilian rule and mobilise support for political and legal reform.

Discriminatory religious provisions and judicial and political structures such as the Federal Shariat Court and the Council of Islamic Ideology remain on the books and in frequent use. In the current climate, if the government is to fulfil earlier pledges to repeal discriminatory legislation, the mainstream parties, particularly the PPP and PML-N, will have to exploit their far greater and moderate popular base and create consensus on restoring and defending fundamental rights and equality for all citizens. Their success in rallying nationwide mass support against the Musharraf regime in 2007, ultimately effecting its ouster, demonstrates their capacity to do so. Building on the gains they have made with the return to civilian rule, both major parties should, adopt a policy of zero tolerance toward all forms of religious intolerance and extremism as a fundamental element of their efforts to stabilise a still fragile transition the success of which is vital to the country’s stability. But it will require far more active engagement with party activists and grassroots organisations to implement that policy.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To reduce religious intolerance and sectarian violence, enforce the rule of law, and strengthen democratic governance

To the Executive Branch of the Government of Pakistan:

1. Prosecute any individual or political party encouraging or supporting violence, including through hate speech and rallies against religious and sectarian minorities.

2. Require Islamic parties to disband their militant wings by invoking Article 256 of the constitution, prohibiting private militias; and take strong action against those that refuse, including disqualifying them from contesting elections.

3. Remove the ban on student unions but prosecute any student or student group engaging in hate speech or violence.

4. Revive earlier plans to reform the madrasa sector, specifically by:

a) registering all madrasas and enforcing transparent financial reporting requirements;

b) banning violent jihadi and sectarian teachings from syllabuses;

c) closing all madrasas affiliated with banned militant organisations and prosecuting their leaders, if sufficient evidence exists, under existing criminal law regarding violent acts or involvement in incitement to violence; and

d) keeping any madrasa suspected of links with militant jihadi groups under close surveillance.

To the Legislative Branch of the Government of Pakistan:

5. Repeal the Nizam-e-Adl 2009 establishing Sharia in the Malakand region of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) province and avoid any concessions to Islamic parties in the future that undermine basic constitutional rights and federal parliamentary democracy.

6. Ameliorate discriminatory Islamic laws that are still in effect by:

a) introducing and enforcing strict punishments for false/frivolous accusations of blasphemy or crimes under the Hudood Ordinances; and

b) ensuring a high level of protection for judges, prosecutors, witnesses and accused during trials under these laws.

7. Pass a constitutional amendment to abolish the Federal Shariat Court, whose functions to review legislation for repugnancy to Islam are covered by the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII).

8. Ensure the impartiality of the Council of Islamic Ideology, so long as it remains in place, by:

a) prohibiting parliamentarians from serving as its chairperson; and

b) abiding by the letter and spirit of its constitution to ensure a diverse and representative membership, including judges, scholars and women.

To the Judicial Branch of the Government of Pakistan:

9. Develop a clear interpretation of the state’s authority to enforce Islamic moral values that is consistent with the Supreme Court’s 2006 decision on the Hisba Bill; and protect constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights by directing parliament, pursuant to such judicial doctrine, to repeal the Nizam-e-Adl 2009, the Hudood Ordinances and all discriminatory religious provisions in the Pakistan Penal Code.

To the Mainstream Political Parties of Pakistan, in particular the PPP and PML-N:

10. Cease partnerships for short-term political and electoral gain with Islamic parties and groups that propagate or resort to violence and/or limit options to implement democratic reforms.

11. Initiate a national dialogue and engage party bases to build public support for repealing all laws that discriminate on the basis of religion, sect and gender, including the blasphemy law, anti-Ahmadi laws, Hudood Ordinances and Qisas (retribution) and Diyat (blood money) laws.

Islamabad/Brussels, 12 December 2011

Source: International Crises Group

I am member of a society that has turned into a weird society during the last 35 years. Now, I level accusations without checking facts and understanding context of actions, decisions and events.

Spreading and believing in rumours is my habit. Often my judgements and conclusions are based on unauthentic and unsubstantiated claims.

I easily get panicked and trivial issues provoke me. I have a deep sense of insecurity and self-doubt. I am a puritan and judge other people and societies in the light of my belief in utopian behaviour standards. I am unable to critically analyse my self-righteousness.  The morality I uphold forces me to live double life and practice double standards.

I miss no chance to display my cultural and spiritual superiority and arrogantly dismiss other cultures and societies. I believe that my faith offers perfect and final solutions to problems of the entire humanity, yet I am confused and part of a divided society.

I lie and distort. I like to make exaggerated claims to show my importance. I am dramatic and depressed. I always think about life after death. I believe that this life is temporary but I love to accumulate wealth. I am greedy and dishonest and can do anything for money and power.

I don’t enjoy life. I get jealous and angry when I see others having fun. Entertainment embarrasses me and I feel guilt when I enjoy. My attitude to women is very special. I like every woman who I meet. I am romantic and consider sexual relations a sin because I believe in pure love. I don’t understand why men and women in other cultures kiss on lips.

I am amused when I see other people displaying affection in public but I wouldn’t stand it if one of my loved ones, especially females would do so. My women relatives are my honour. I am faithful and committed even though I don’t really understand feelings of my wife or sisters. I have no time for them but I can’t breakup a relationship and can’t move on. As a responsible family man, I have the great ability to kill my feelings and happiness. Most of my life, I have been pleasing God, my family and friends.

A part of me is very kind and honest. I am stupidly brave and unbelievably foolish. Most of my decisions are based on gut feelings and emotions. I act first and think later. When I make a mistake, I say sorry but soon I make the same mistake again.

I am wild and accept violence as normal behaviour. Violent death or killing of human beings does not bother me a lot. I am revengeful and intolerant, too. I want to punish those who disagree with me or have different views and beliefs. However, I can forgive people if they satisfy my ego.

I like power and authority. Showing off my status and prestige is very important for me. Whenever travel abroad, I feel alien and stranger. I consider people of other societies wrong and misguided.

I dislike Westerners but when I meet or see an English speaking White man or woman, a natural grin appears on my face. My eyes shine. I feel I must speak flawless English with perfect Queen’s accent. I am friendly and polite to my English guests. I invite them for drinks and share with them all the information that I have and point out flaws of my society.

I have a friend who is a retired army general. He is patriotic and a very solid Muslim. He hates Hindus and considers Afghanistan and Central Asia as his former colonies. This gentleman runs a housing society; he is a shareholder in a big investment company. He also owns hundreds of acres of agricultural land in the Sindh Province. His other retired colleagues have same number of possessions. Retired generals are managing universities, banks, state organizations and own industries and big businesses. However, they all dislike—bloody civilians.

I also know a serving military general. He is extremely arrogant and rude. He walks as if he is god. He bullies the weak but licks boots of his Chief.

Another friend works for an intelligence agency. He has no respect for law and human life. He sponsors outlaw groups and uses black money for some of his missions.

Another friend of mine is a senior judge of a higher court, he loves his status and authority but he bows to guns and uniform. My judge friend is full of vengeance and is power hungry. He likes special treatment. He accepts favours and expensive gifts be it in form of residential plots or undue promotions for him or his loved ones.

Several members of civil bureaucracy are among my friends. They have steel rods in their necks. One uses 12 official cars and has an army of servants at his villa in Islamabad. This grade 22 civil servant is partner in several business firms and runs a real state company. He and his DMG group bureaucrat friends are part of a network that runs Pakistan. Nothing changes without their consent and approval.

A former police IG lives near my house. He uses police department cars many of those are stolen. Police employees work at his home and he still socializes with criminal gangs.

Head of a famous religious party is from my town. Thirty years ago he was a school teacher now he owns several huge houses and a fleet of four by fours cars. He walks in the shadow of guns. His children are studying abroad and he sends others’ kids for jihad. He always wears white dress but sells and spreads hatred.

A university professor is also my friend. He has a PhD from the United States. He is a professor of physics but teaches Islamic ideology and Islamic history in his classes. When he became vice chancellor he ordered all university staff to grow beards and offer prayers during office time under his leadership. This professor of physics doesn’t believe in science.

Another friend of mine teaches at a state school. He believes that physical punishment is must for small children so he beats them for their better future. A lady friend of mine teaches at a posh English medium school. She is extremely conscious about her accent in the English language. She teaches ideology of Pakistan in British accent.

I have a doctor friend who got his specialization from the United Kingdom. This gentleman works for a government hospital but advises his patients to come to his private clinic and he recommends his visitors to use the medical laboratory of his clinic. The doctor friend is a very proud Muslim. He considers Britain a corrupt country but every year spends his holidays in London.

One of my friends is a television anchorperson. He hosts news and current affairs show on a popular private TV channel. My friend is extremely self-centered. He has serious psychological problems since his childhood. Actually, he was abused when he was 15 and economic difficulties at home forced him to be abused for a long time. However, his personality disorder has made him a successful anchorperson. On his TV show, he yells, attacks and insults public figures. Perhaps he is taking revenge for what happened to him when he was a teen.

TV has made the man rich and famous. The government has given him a large new apartment. Last month, he performed Hajj at the expenses of the Ministry of Religious Affairs. My TV anchorperson friend is also very conscious about his image. He loves to wear shiny ties but can’t knot them. He puts on expensive imported suits when he talks about the plight of poor Pakistanis. Guests who appear on his TV show play with viewers’ minds by telling half truths and twisted perspectives.

I also know a couple of newspaper columnists and reporters. They got residential plots from different governments. They copy lifestyle of ruling elites and inform their readers how they rub shoulders with the powerful.

And once I asked my milkman if he could provide me 100 percent pure milk for a higher price, he refused. The other day, I was at a meat shop and paid double price for two kilogram of lamb but actually got one kilogram meat and one kilogram water. The water was added to the lamb.

Last month, my washing machine broke down and the technician who repaired it told me that he had installed original parts, a week later I found out that he fixed the machine using old parts. My servant at home fools me everyday when he gives me fake shopping checks.

All of my above mentioned friends and I point fingers at other societies, we look for flaws in them and feel good. However, once in a while for a few minutes, I feel that may be we are bankrupt—economically and politically, socially and culturally, morally and intellectually—but this truth scares me and I go back into my shell and wonder why the world doesn’t follow us and adopt our system and values..!

However, I realize that not all Pakistanis are like me or my friends. We are a tiny minority. A large number of Pakistanis have defeated fears and broken psychological barriers. They are calm, confident and relaxed about their identity and place in the world. They are honest and hardworking. They are optimistic and positive about life. They have balanced minds and scientific approach.

These Pakistanis can speak to world eyeball to eyeball and can compete against anyone in academic, intellectual and scientific endeavours. Indeed they are role models for people of other cultures.  The galaxy of global cultures and communities have embraced millions of such Pakistanis. My friends and I must join the majority of successful Pakistanis who have global and progressive vision.

Shiraz Paracha is a journalist and analyst. He can be reached at: shiraz_paracha@hotmail.com

He said that Pakistan was not taking advantage of the opportunities provided by the US and others countries that can lead to a dramatic changes in the Pakistani society.

The level of animosity between Islamabad and Washington has spiked in the days since the raid on Abbottabad, and after then Admiral Michael Mullen’s explosive statement that “the Haqqani militant network is a “veritable arm” of Pakistan’s powerful ISI intelligence service”, memogate issue & now plunged into a new low after a Nato attack on a Pakistani check post that killed 24 soldiers.

US has accused Pakistan of not doing everything it could to rein in the Pakistani Taliban especially Haqqani network & it’s officials have stated publicly that these insurgent groups are working with either the implicit or the explicit sanctioning of Pakistan’s intelligence agency; now it’s administration wants to put forth one clear message, & one message has been delivered today as Washington attaches strings to military aid. We need to understand message. We should also keep in mind that the US is the largest donor in Pakistan and has provided over USD 1.1 billion to Islamabad

As a result of the ill-advised and ill-concieved policies designed & enacted by the establishment; through which state-created insurgent groups as an instrument of its foreign policy all this has now come to hunt our own cities & citizens. It not only taking a heavy toll on innocent Pakistani masses, today, but also the main reason of animosity with our neighbour countries. So no regional cooperation, no regional trade & we are in iron curtain countries list. Furthermore, by boycotting Bonn Conference on Afghanistan future in reaction to the attack we are hurting our benefits and space within region.

Virtually everybody, even our friends are angry; a few weeks earlier a renowned Pakistan expert, Professor Anatol Lieven who is also considered as a friend of Pakistan suggested to count Pakistan as an “Enemy State” for better output . He writes in his article, “With a Friend Like This“:

“If Washington wishes to improve relations with Pakistan, it needs to stop regarding Pakistan as an ally, and to start regarding it as an enemy — at least as far as the Afghan War is concerned.

Seeing Pakistan as an ally has not only obscured the reality of the situation, but has bred exaggerated bitterness at Pakistani “treachery.” And since Pakistanis also believe that America has “betrayed” them, the result is a thin veneer of friendship over a morass of mutual distrust and even hatred.

It would be far better from every point of view to admit that the two countries’ policies over Afghanistan are opposed to the point of limited conflict — and then seek ways to negotiate an end to that conflict.”

Anatol concluded that there is no prospect at all of the Pakistani military abandoning its support for the Afghan Taliban or the Haqqani network. The most that U.S. aid and pressure can achieve will be to keep Pakistani support fairly covert and limited.

“Instead of pushing at a Pakistani door that will never open, the Obama administration instead should treat Pakistan as a sponsor of the Taliban and on that basis involve Pakistan in talks on Afghanistan.

An essential part of such negotiations should be to force both Pakistan and the United States to place on the table their own terms for an Afghan settlement and their minimum conditions as far as their own interests are concerned. On that basis, and on that basis alone, it may be possible for these two de facto enemies to make peace with each other. If that is not possible, at least the U.S. will be clearer about the realities of the Afghan War.”

We are very much concerned with the prevailing internal political situation in Pakistan and the conduct of the country’s institutions particularly the Judiciary, which was not free in the past and it is not independent now & representative political parties whose leaders are more effective in serving the undemocratic forces. Another key political figure & two-time prime minister of Pakistan Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif has now turned his back on representative democratic forces & parliament. He appeared in person before the Supreme Court bench in the petition filed by him. He contended that the memo gate issue was of national importance as the sovereignty and integrity of the country had been threatened. The Ex prime minister ignored the realities of the chequered political history of Pakistan. He ignored the Judicial murder of country’s first elected prime minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, he ignored during the 90s, the two governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were dismissed by civilian and military dictators. And on top of all that he ignored Kargil war, a conspiracy against his govt, on the basis of his govt was overthrown and he faced exile. Basically just like Kargil the memorandum issue is a conspiracy against the PPP’s civilian govt.

Federal Minister for Religious Affairs Syed Khrusheed Ahmed Shah has said that conspiracies were always hatched against the democracy and the government of Pakistan Peoples Party and even those who signed the Charter of Democracy were trying to weaken the parliament by approaching the Supreme Court instead of discussing the issues in the parliament. SAFMA Secretary General & senior journalist Imtiaz Alam terms memo third Kargil against PPP govt.

An old but effective tool against democracy.

Political parties doubt Nawaz Sharif’s intentions of taking the memogate to the Supreme Court, saying that Nawaz Sharif should have waited for the outcome of the parliamentary committee.

Kamil Ali Agha, spokesman of PML-Q, while talking to News, said that when Parliament had already taken notice of the memogate issue then it should not have been taken to the Supreme Court. “Everyone must recognize the supremacy of Parliament because the lawmakers are deemed to be more responsible than others,” Kamil said. He mentioned that Tariq Khosa was not superior to Parliament.

“Raza Rabbani is a man of character; therefore, the findings of his committee should have been awaited.” The Awami National Party says that those who have taken the memogate scandal to the Supreme Court will be responsible for the positive and negative outcomes of it. “Every Pakistani has right to knock the doors of the supreme court but the onus of consequences of taking the memogate scandal to the apex court lies on Nawaz Sharif,” Haji Adeel, Senior Vice President of the ANP, said when approached.

He said that Parliament had made a committee and a person who has trust in the collective wisdom of 180 million Pakistanis, then he should have gone to Parliament rather than the 17 judges. “A person who has resigned before the investigation and is prima facia innocent and has come to Pakistan to face the investigation while in this country no one resigns even he is proven guilty in fact people run abroad in such situations, but Husain Haqqani has come back,” ANP leader said.

He said that he could not comprehend why all believe an American citizen who is of dubious character. Though SC has formed a commission but such matters should not have been taken to the courts, Haji Adeel said.

He said that the courts have formed commissions in the past as well and has given judgments as well and were attacked by politicians in the 90s, but it seems people have forgotten these things.

In a country that has achieved only modestly in the realms of democracy & freedom, where the security establishment remains the main decision-maker and state pillars(judiciary & media)act as a veritable arm of state’s intelligence institution. Notably, these negative undemocratic political trends leading us towards self destruction.