These analyses (e.g., the 2011 “Future of Pakistan” by Brookings Institute) invoke impressive evidence: stagnant economy, poor governance, militancy, ethnic fissures, demographic bulge and weak democracy. They convince readers about the serious problems and the need for urgent steps. Less clear is whether the profile painted is of a country hurtling towards the abyss or one stuck in the sand. How does one differentiate between serious and fatal ailments? One approach is to compare Pakistan with already collapsed countries. Another is to evaluate Pakistan’s capacities to deal with each life-threatening problem. The first approach is absent while the second present rudimentarily in these analyses, making them impressionistic and superficial.

The roster of collapsed countries over recent decades yields no close parallels. Soviet Union (an empire, not a country) and Czechoslovakia decreed their own peaceful disintegration. However, this represents not something cataclysmic but a worthy divorce model for countries facing serious tensions or imperial overstretch. Other countries (e.g., Indonesia and Yugoslavia) broke up because of severe ethnic/tribal violence. Ethnic violence is fairly low in Pakistan presently. Tensions and genuine grievances exist in Balochistan but can be reconciled with adequate will. 89% respondents throughout Pakistan identified themselves as Pakistani first in a 2009 Pew Center survey. Thus, none of the analyses consider ethnic secession as a serious threat.

Pakistan’s main threat is correctly seen as being extremism. However, extreme ideological groups (“Maoist” or “Islamist”) have rarely succeeded in capturing power by force and certainly never under (even anemic) democracies possessing strong armies (ditto for ethnic secessions). Terrorists soon lose popular support due to their extreme methods and vacuous ideology. Predictably, the Pew survey reveals that support for terrorists has gone down from around 25% to less than 10%. Extremists have lost much territory since 2007 when they approached Islamabad.

Pakistan also possesses significant capacities to overcome the remaining problems: a strong army, diversified economy, resilient national character, large middle-class/Diaspora, independent judiciary/media and fledging democracy. Pakistan is also “too big to fail” due to its size, location and nuclear weapons. This does not mean that it can never fail, but that concerned countries will likely work actively to avert failure given its importance. It is difficult to identify in recent history a country possessing such significant capacities (even just the internal ones) which collapsed due to violence. In fact, weaker countries have recovered from more serious strife–Cambodia, Bosnia, Liberia and others—though usually with external support.

Pakistan could do so on its own. Its problem is not incapacity but lack of will among elites. However, will is more elastic than capacity and can even increase overnight. Pakistan’s collapse would entail significant capacity remaining idle as political will failed to ignite in face of certain demise. This scenario is not impossible but neither inevitable. Even ostriches take evasive action rather than keeping their heads buried. Thus, the weight of history argues against Pakistan’s demise. However, history does not repeat but merely approximates itself and can also create new precedence. Hence, the above arguments do not prove that Pakistan’s failure is almost impossible, but just that neither is it inevitable. Safest would be to say that the chances of success are higher than of failure. Yet, analysts assume the worst without evidence.

This tentative conclusion highlights the limitations of social sciences in making accurate long-term predictions about complex phenomena. Scholarship on state failure especially suffers from a state of failure: actual state collapses have rarely if ever been predicted correctly, actual predictions have rarely if ever been accurate. Given this almost astrological track record, is it professional and responsible for analysts to make dire long-term predictions, especially about the fate of nations and millions of people? Ordinary people may attach more importance than merited to the endless predictions of dooms by scholars with fancy degrees from elite western universities, starting a self-fulfilling prophecy where widespread gloom makes things worse.

Where the situation is tough but odds still reasonably favorable, as in Pakistan’s case, positivity proves crucial for success. What useful purpose do overly-gloomy predictions then serve? Scholars argue that they can spur political will among elites. This argument wrongly assumes that elites will privilege scholarly analysis over personal realpolitik assessments. Second, by crying wolf repeatedly since at least 2004, scholars have lost much credibility. In the meantime, elites have remained unfazed but Pakistan has refused to die, seemingly blessed with more lives than a cat.

Why not root ourselves humbly within the parameters of scholarly capacities instead of claiming magical prescience that frankly does not exist? Rather than making grandiose predictions about state failures with insufficient evidence and huge uncertainties, scholars are better-off sticking to their core strength of making prescriptions about specific problems based on tangible evidence. So, Mr. President, failure to tackle militancy and economic woes could cause serious misery for Pakistanis and, more importantly for you, your downfall. Scholars must encourage reform without dangling crude mortality prospects counter-productively.

Why do such predictions persist? The suspicious-minded will discern conspiracies against Islam. I see more mundane reasons. Analysts calculate risk by multiplying an event’s probability with its consequences. The consequences of Pakistan’s collapse are truly horrendous and global. Pakistan is the worst-performing nation among the ten most populated and the eight nuclear countries. However, its probability of collapse is more modest. Foreign analysts understandably focus more on global consequences. However, a focus on probability reveals that though serious problems exist, the news about Pakistan’s death is greatly exaggerated. Pakistan Paindabad.

The writer is a Research Associate in political economy issues at the University of California, Berkeley. murtazaniaz@yahoo.com.

This article recently appeared in Dawn

I cannot forget the epoch of Zardari’s downfall. Where were all these hate mongers hidden when he was sent behind bars without any conviction, when he faced brutal assault and when he faced every pain with patience. Why did they then not come out from their hideouts and stand alongside Zardari? Why was there no one who could denounce the brutal assault on Zardari? I saw no one on the road, did not witness any protest, did not hear anyone raising his voice against the cruelties faced single-handedly by Zardari. However, when the season changed, all these cowards suddenly appeared out of thin air and turned their guns at Zardari.

I also feel sorry for Zardari. He was alone on the day when he was in turmoil and trouble and he is alone even today as he commands the seat of President of Pakistan. Without any contradiction, even today he has around him a crowd of cronies in the guise of sympathizers. Wolves in sheep’s clothing are more treacherous than open enemies, who lack the moral courage to come out and show their real face. They pretend to be ardent and passionate supporters of PPP and democracy but in reality they are persistent Zardari haters. Zardari is an integral part of PPP, his efforts for democracy and politics of reconciliation are remarkable so what kind of hypocrisy it is that forces these people to professes love for democracy but hate Zardari?

The establishment, bureaucracy and all rightist groups, do not want Zardari. Why? Why do they all vilify him? Just because he always talks about democratic norms, he wants all the political parties to join hands for the sake of Pakistan, he wants to pursue a policy of reconciliation, he wants to weed out militants, he wants to end age long blood feuds, he wants to end political victimization or just because he is striving to shut the doors for future military interventions? Clapping, I applaud all those who are spewing venom against him. After all what is the need of democracy, why should we weed out militancy? Political victimization is our hallmark, why not continue with it? We love autocracy? Let us hate Zardari as he is unprecedented.

Our psyche has been reshaped by the media devils and propaganda machinery. Zardari is carrying past burden, reaping what he never sowed, while his past is resonating in his sub conscious. We never take off our glasses of prejudice and never aspire to unveil the truth. Hate mongers have not allowed Zardari to take any respite. Icing the cake, the most crucial supporters have joined the fad. They are leading the gang of hate mongers. To prove their political acumen and wisdom, well-wishers of Zardari eventually started hitting him. I knew it had to happen sooner or later because apparently many of us may have accepted Zardari but not in our hearts.

There is a need of big heart and an open mind to become a Zardari supporter. First we will have to shun hypocrisy, we will have to clean our sub conscious, we will have to put set aside our biases and we will have to learn to accept him with all his traits. If you cannot do this, stop chanting the slogan of being ardent supporters of PPP because the legacy of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto includes Zardari.

Note: The writer name is not real while a Pen-Name as per the trend of the blog-LUBP. The writer can be reached chittanjanjal@yahoo.com

This is one of the problems of a society where we talk about democracy and criticise the government day in and day out, but when it comes to tolerating criticism on us we retaliate. Perhaps the democrat in us is not even skin deep

Spending two-and-a-half days with about 200 journalists from all over the country and listening to a star collection of experts, intellectuals and four national leaders is a treat no journalist can decline. The treat was offered by the South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA) keeping up its tradition to provide such forums a few times a year. The discussion was around issues related to media, democracy and governance.

Such intellectually stimulating discussions are a columnist’s delight, because in this country old issues die hard and hence force a current affairs writer to repeat him/herself, much to the boredom of the readers. Television talk show hosts could have also picked up a number of issues and some new faces for discussion from there, if they had given any importance to the meet.

Anyway, let me share what was my take from the conference on a number of issues raised by working journalists. What is good about some of the SAFMA conferences and meetings is that it is one of the few journalists’ forums where some soul-searching is done. The media in Pakistan is rightly sensitive about its freedom, as it has been acquired through a long struggle. So if there is any criticism on the media’s performance from the government, political parties and establishment, there is a strong reaction and it is summarily rejected. I think this knee-jerk reaction of the media to criticism is because our freedom is newfound and the fear of curbs on the media still lurks in us.

The most important issue is that in Pakistan freedom of expression is limited. Free discussion on many religious and ethnic issues is not allowed, which means that media freedom is not complete, although many people think that some people in the media are at times transgressing the limits of this freedom and are playing a negative role. The truth is that there are still some strong-arm tactics used by the moral police and religious extremists groups to get disproportionate coverage or to suppress the voices against them. For instance Farzana Ali, Aaj TV Bureau Chief Peshawar, pointed out that while a minute-to-minute day long commentary was given about the funeral of a political leader, the story of 68 people who died a day earlier in terrorist attacks was underplayed.

The government tactics against its critics include the traditional slashing down the advertisement share of such media organisations and letting the tax investigators take on tax evasion cases against the targeted media group. On the other hand, many media groups also live in glass houses, so when they cast a stone on the powerful political forces they retaliate — and quite often not with grace. Take the example of the PPP jiyalas blaming a media group for being Indian agents because they have launched a peace initiative. Now this is contrary to their own party’s policy, which wants better relations with India. President Zardari had the courage to say that India is not our enemy and had to face the consequences as the establishment unleashed its resources against him. But his jiyalas are not in tune with him. They have a right to criticise the media for biased coverage, but should not stoop so low.

It was this biased coverage of President Zardari by a section of the media that persuaded him to open his address to the SAFMA participants with ‘friends and foes’. My friend Afzal Khan criticised him for this opening. M Ziauddin in his opening remarks delivered before the president reminded him that the “government and media” in all democracies “have an adversarial role”. The other phrase commonly and frequently used in the conference was that the “media is a watchdog”, which has to highlight whatever is going wrong. That is right but that is not all. My view is that this is only half the role of the media anywhere in the world. Other equally important roles of a responsible media are: an opinion-maker; provider of unbiased information; remaining objective by rising above the ethnic, religious, sectarian, class and national biases while reporting and commenting. It is also the role of the media to present the right perspective of what is happening in society.

Interestingly, Information Minister Qamaruz Zaman Kaira and Maulana Fazlur Rehman mentioned the perspective issue in detail. Both the leaders reasoned with journalists in their address that the media with the perspective of time and space should evaluate the evolution of the democratic system in Pakistan. This is a valid point because the political and social structure of a society is directly co-related to its means and relations of production — level of development.

Khaled Ahmed, who is one of the few intellectuals keeping track of the media’s performance, in his well-argued paper did criticise the media for its excesses. He analysed the role of the ‘talk-show anchors’ in the electronic media. But unfortunately some of the anchors did not take the criticism in its right spirit. This is one of the problems of a society where we talk about democracy and criticise the government day in and day out, but when it comes to tolerating criticism on us we retaliate. Perhaps the democrat in us is not even skin deep. An open-minded journalist has to take criticism positively and should not indulge in labelling the critics as agents of the government. No senior journalist can deny that recklessly written stories or giving judgments on unproven charges are published/broadcast. It is the good fortune of the media that libel laws are not invoked by the people who are charged in the media trial because at the end of the day even if the victim is right, he/she loses so much in reputation during the trial that a favourable judgment cannot repair it. The government should activate the independent press and electronic media councils at its earliest. This is in the interest of the profession and the government itself. On the other hand, professionals in the media should welcome internal debates as it provides us an opportunity to improve ourselves, which is needed to keep the power of the media in check.

The Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) secretary general was bold in criticising media houses who are not paying their journalists decent salaries, for blocking the wage-board awards, for not providing insurance cover and training journalists who cover conflict areas and lay down their lives, and for laying off hundreds of workers at short notice without compensation and for not paying wages on time. All this was part of the conference, which represented the participants’ mood and commitment; hence the table stories to undermine its importance were examples of poor journalistic quality. Still I would defend the right of the conference critics to express themselves to the death.

The writer can be reached at ayazbabar@gmail.com

Source : Daily Times

Published today in The News

Much has been said about media accountability and the dire need of a regulation framework for Pakistan’s new power centre. Pakistani media has earned its freedom and independence after a long, often bloody, struggle against military dictators and civilian autocrats. Countless journalists were imprisoned, harassed, even killed in this decade’s long fight for free speech, otherwise a much-touted fundamental right in every Pakistani constitution. There is no question that a viable democracy and a culture of accountability cannot exist without a robust and independent media.

Globalisation and the rise of electronic media in Pakistan, ironically under General Musharraf, is a relatively new phenomenon and has changed the contours of power matrix in the country. If anything, electronic media and its older cousin, the print media, with a plethora of columnists, are now an established group with considerable influence and nuisance value. Actualisation of the newly acquired powers was best demonstrated during the anti-Musharraf movement from 2007-2008. This was a startling development and pleased most Pakistanis as they found the echo of their daily trials and tribulations in the direct and frank reporting by the numerous TV channels.
Ambiguous regulatory framework: The sudden liberalisation of private television channels took place in an environment when a regulatory framework had barely been established. The Pakistani Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) came into existence during an unrepresented regime and, therefore, it lacked the essential process of consultation, ownership, and national consensus. On the one hand, media oligarchies emerged despite the vague announcements that cross ownership would not be permitted. On the other hand, electronic media showed little interest in developing a common code of conduct and finding ways of self-regulation. The results and the initial phase were disasters. Human limbs and heads found ample air time thereby glorifying terrorism and violence, and impacting the collective psychology of the viewers through a gradual process of desensitisation. Furthermore, objectivity was thrown out of the window and partisan, one sided rants became the order of the day.

Lawyers and media alliance: This was a type of intense civil activism and unprecedented representation of the Pakistani middle class in mainstream politics. Seemingly, a momentous development, the foresighted mobilization, came into public domain regurgitating the ‘anti-politics’ biases of Pakistan’s conservative middle class. This automatically resulted in severe distortions of the political expression. The first rule of law was personified by a handful of judges who had been linked to Pakistan’s regressive establishment throughout their careers; and a misconception that rule of law would lead to political, economic, and social transformation became a ‘truth’. Minority voices such as this scribe, alerted to the inherent contradictions of these developments. In short, intra-bourgeoisie struggles could be disruptive but rarely led to transformative social change. The results today are clear. The lawyers are beating up every public official and media representative who attempts to question their activities. After heroic battles the conduct of judges has been called into question.

Holy-cow syndrome: Pakistan’s security establishment returned as the holy cow. Anyone who ventured to challenge the predominance of the national security apparatus was immediately branded as unpatriotic and a new divine to rule was crafted by the nefarious Generals: Musa, Ayub, Yahya, Zia and later Musharraf. These ‘saviours’ took the reins of power with identical intentions and left the country in a huge mess. General Ziaul Haq, during his eleven-year rule (1977-88) tops the list of willful destroyers of Pakistani society. Ironically, the holy cow status of Pakistan army was shaken under General Musharraf and the street agitation of 2007 in which Pakistan army was challenged in its recruitment grounds i.e, the Punjab. This was the turning point of our history. However, due to the uncertain commitment to democracy by Pakistan’s chattering classes and the upwardly mobile segments this grand moment of political course correction was squandered by the emergence of two other holy cows: the Judiciary and the media.

Purist discourse: Such has been the trajectory of the national affairs that any objective or independent comment on the two new holy cows is instantaneously construed as an attack on these arguably vital institutions of polity. For instance, judges are very much part of the Pakistani mainstream. Therefore, their decisions in a free society are open to academic and reasoned comment. However, we have witnessed the unfortunate trend of complete deification of the superior court judges by media activists. Similarly, any informed or well-meaning comment on media transgressions has been greeted by the same fate.

More of the same: Thus far, the two established trends in Pakistan, anti-politician rhetoric and glorification of religion continue to remain in the ascendant in public discourse. Until the Pakistan army decided to fight the Taliban in the North West and the FATA, the media on balance glorified the so called resistance of warriors to the infidel Western imperialism. This came as a major blow to the moderate politics espoused by Pakistan People’s Party and Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz). Concurrently, the vilification of the politicians from 2008 to the present is a major pastime of the media and now the judiciary on the fake degrees issue.

Partisan politics and media: In light of the above-mentioned developments, the media has been consistently in awe of the changed priorities of PML-N in terms of supporting the lawyers and judges’ movement and the allied media freedoms given that General Musharraf resorted to censorship and a brute crackdown in November 2007.

President Zardari was a hero until he played the media-lawyers game and thereafter with his wavering commitment to the judges’ issue he overnight turned into the worst thing that happened to Pakistan. Such was the nature of media hysteria, which Zardari and Musharraf were bracketed in the same category without any understanding of Pakistan’s history, the fragility of its democratic dispensation and the principle of objectivity in reporting and analysis. Dates of Zardari’s ouster and a bloody end were announced with impunity. All this while, the PML-N remained the preferred choice of our daring activists. This honeymoon ended with the issue of fake degrees.

Demolishing the politician: Fake degrees of several legislators is now the hottest news item and yet another opportunity to malign democracy. Over a hundred and fifty legislators at various levels are reported to have submitted fake degrees to the Election Commission in 2008. The debate, however, has provided the ammunition to deride the entire political class for being immoral, unfit to govern by ahistorical TV presenters and civic activists. They have conveniently forgotten that many of these fake degree holders were creatures of the establishment, responding to unjust laws and banished by the military and the judiciary time and again. In fact, there is no crisis as bye-elections can resolve the issue. But the hysteria around this fact was so intense that the legislators with proper degrees also felt offended and had to strike back.’

Punjab Assembly resolution: In this context, the provincial assembly passed a resolution with consensus chiding the irresponsible sections of the media. Evidently, there was nothing wrong with a particular view of the politicos but soon this resolution turned into a moralistic and heated debate with the journalists protesting over the impending censorship. No such action was either announced or deliberated by the elected governments. This was a particular view, which could have been countered through reasoned debate and rational discourse. But emotionalism held sway and within a few days the same assembly had to undo this resolution and pass another resolution that favoured the media.

Many pertinent questions have arisen from this conduct of journalists as well as the legislators. The political parties have to display more scrutiny and devise ways of achieving internal accountability. The media at its end has to work towards self-regulation and setting a code of conduct. It should be reiterated that freedom of media is linked to democratic development. By tarnishing the image of civilian politicians and diminishing the trust in democracy the media would be doing a big disservice to its future and credibility.

Three important policy imperatives must be kept in view. Electronic and print media have to work quickly towards a regulatory framework. The state should have nothing to do with this process and it should remain within the realm of the media. Political parties must also show restraint while engaging with media and they should demonstrate that their internal processes are transparent and rule-based. Finally, media barons and owners of newspapers must ensure that the media does not become another interest group like the lawyers fluent in occasional violence and drunk on moral superiority.

The writer is a policy expert, writer and editor based in Lahore

The Balochistan issue dates back exactly to the days of Pakistan’s indepedence. For long, the ‘Iron Curtain’ extended by Islamabad over the region prevented the availability of first-hand narratives of the Balochis and their side of the story. All that the masses were ever told by the state machinery was that there was some turmoil in the province and that army had to intervene, times and again, to ‘save’ the people there. However, with an increasing surge of independent media channels, there is now at least an understanding of the fact that something unusual is up with Balochistan. Although such media outlets are still non-existent in Balochistan itself, where an attempt to establish a channel or newspaper often leads to arrest or alleged abduction by intelligence agencies, the Balochis’ plight is slowly being brought forth in limited media circles. And that is indeed a welcome sign.

A brief history of the issue:

On August 12, 1947, New York Times published the following piece of news: “An announcement from New Delhi said that Kalat, Moslem State in Baluchistan, had reached an agreement with Pakistan for free flow of communications and commerce, and would negotiate for decisions on defense, external affairs and communications. Under the agreement, Pakistan recognizes Kalat as an independent sovereign state with a status different from that of Indian States.”

So was the state of affairs at the time of Pakistan’s independence. However, not too later, Khan of Kalat was asked to formally accede to Pakistan. Khan retaliated, stating that his state had been granted autonomy under the agreement. A Parliament of the local tribal heads and chieftains unanimously resounded the same sentiment. However, Mr. Jinnah, formerly Khan’s legal aide, was not to hear a ‘no’ and after having pressurized the Khan to sign the Instrument of Accession(as Khan noted later in his autobiography), army took control of the province, jailing him and dismembering his cabinet. Khan’s brother took to mountains, refusing to accept the decision and choosing to retaliate the army’s invastion. That marked the first armed retaliation against the central government.

Since the accession, four more popular armed uprisings have occured in the province, most of them dealt with by army and crushed cruelly. Despite the fact that Balochistan opted for autonomy at the time of independence, the Balochis today ask for their rights more so than the separation from Pakistan. And they would certainly have agreed to adopt the constitutional way had it yielded any results in the past. However, all parliamentary efforts from their end have proved futile and they remain highly disenchanted by the constitutional methods.

Provincial Inequality:

Baluchistan is Pakistan’s largest province comprising approximately 43% of the total land area and supporting a population of about 7 million people. It is rich in a number of valuable minerals including vast copper and natural gas deposits. However, the sad fact is that while the entire country benefits from these resources, Balochis themselves are handed a meagre royalty for them and nothing else. A case study shall expound my point. Natural gas deposits were discovered in Balochistan in 1953. Household and commercial gas was supplied to Punjab from this source since as far back as 1964. But royalties were offered to Quetta only in 1980(the amount of this paid royalty is constant ever since) and it was connected with a gas supply in 1986. And today, as even Sindh’s remote areas enjoy the facility, out of Balochistan’s 26 districts, only 4 are supplied with gas.

It is this provincial inequality that has fiercely triggered the sense of deprivation among Balochi masses. Even the provincial governments have been severely inhibited in their efforts to improve conditions because of the fact that Islamabad takes direct decisions over policies governing the province. In the past, a number of nationalist leaders have been elected to the parliament. Nawab Akbar Bugti had served both as the Governor and the Chief Minister of the province. Ataullah Mengal and Akhtar Mengal also lead the provincial government in the capacity of being Chief Ministers. Nonetheless, all these unromantic partenerships with the center ended abruptly with the center wielding it’s power by disregarding these nationalist office-holders and their reservations. To cite an instance, Nawab Akbar Bugto resigned after his disagreements with the Federal Government at the latter’s decision to launch a military operation in Balochistan. Similarly, the nuclear experiments at Chaghai were carried out without any consultation with the Chief Minister or the provincial cabinet. The people in the region continue to suffer severe health problems because of the after-effects of those experiments with no compensation from the Government of Pakistan.

These experiments have hugely disenchanted the local masses of the significance of constitutional furthering of their plights. An increasing number of them, especially the youth, view military response as the only viable solution. However, the mainstream nationalist leaders are still ready to engage in dialogue only if they’re assured that the terms agreed upon at the occasion of accession shall be honored. These include much more provincial autonomy and provincial say in regional affairs.

Terrorism and Counter-terrorism – who’s who and what’s what?

Army has become an integral part of the Balochistan equation since the very start. It has gradually moved from a partial, distant control of the region to a more organized control, replacing the Levies forces and bringing a very large part under it’s reign. In local culture, it has become synonymous with extra-judicial abductions, killings and missing persons. According to UN reports, about 8000 Balochis have gone missing since 2005. And that’s a very small part of the larger picture. Army has been increasingly deployed by the center to extend a firm grip and bring the local dissidents into the fold of central command. Naturally, this has resulted in a very hostile reaction from Balochis who view army garrisons as a sign of enroachment on their nationalism. To them, all army activities in the region are a version of state terrorism.

Federation, on the other hand, is extremely sensitive towards Baloch national sentiments and it’s definition of terrorism terms everyone with a separatist agenda as a terrorist. Such sweeping generalizations have lead to the arrests and abductions of thousands, the whereabouts of many of which stay unknown after years. Center is of the opinion that if it fails to address these anti-national and separatist outbursts, it’s grip on the province will weaken.

When talking of terrorism in Balochistan, Balochistan Liberation Army is not a name to be missed. BLA has been increasingly active in recent years. And increasingly violent too, killing scores of Punjabis or anyone having the slightest to do with Punjab. According to the political activists in the region, BLA enjoys mass support and the sole reason this support is extended is because they fight. BLA is said to comprise educated, young Balochis, many of them engineers, doctors, lawyers, barristers and other highly qualified personnel. Evidently, the democratic franchise has so weakened in the province that people consider an armed struggle as the only viable solution. Needless to state this has put the lives of thousands of immigrants in Balochistan in jeopardy.

Plight of the Baluchis:

Balochis have a set of traditions and norms that strike one as unique at the very first look. Like Pashtuns, they are not a creed easily diminished or invaded. Likewise, they have never given up their struggle for an honorable existence. Ever since their forced accession, they have been denied basic rights. The region lacks health, educational and land reforms and the basic infrastructure is very underdeveloped. To top it, they have been in an unnamed subjugation to the army.

An average Balochi today asks for just one thing: basic rights. They want federal government to expend the money that’s earned through their resources in the same region. They want schools, hospitals and infrastructure development. Above everything else, they want the Center to grant provincial autonomy and stop meddling with local politics. Unlike most of Pakistan’s other region, Balochistan is still safe from the plague of extremism. And contrary to the popular media-made perceptions, Balochis are an enlightened lot. The nationalist leaders, including Khan of Kalat and Ataullah Mengal, agree upon the establishment of a modern, secular democracy should Balochistan be awarded provincial autonomy. This is also the view of an average Balochi today who has put aside his tribal prejudice to purse this common cause.

At the start of this article, I strove to establish a parallel between 1971′s East Pakistan and today’s Balochistan. And I still hold that the two have striking resemblances. Back in 1971, Federal Government kept playing blind to the horrendous discrimination committed towards East Pakistan. And when the eventual backlash started, no self-chastenings would work. If India or other ‘foreign’ hands were able to exploit the situation, it was because the situation was volatile enough already. Bengalis had been neglected for decades and when the army started its saga of atrocities against them, their choice became obvious – separation. Balochistan today seems to move towards a similar destiny. However, with the fragmented resistance put up by Baluchis, it’s a long way before they can claim power enough for a successful armed struggle.

Meanwhile, the Center and the Army has time enough to ponder over their utterly flawed policies, policies which have only worsened the situation over the last 63 years and solved nothing. President Zardari’s government did declare a Balochistan package but like all it’s past counterparts, it’s been mere words and no actions thus far. These policies and the proposed reforms must be implemented without any delay and before the breaking point is reached, we must find a common ground where both Federation and Balochistan can guard it’s interests without fringing upon each other’s rights. If this is not done, and the chances seem thin with the Federation’s total lack of interest in addressing the Balochis’ plight, I fear that we may have to face another 1971.

www.salmanlatif.wordpress.com

Mr. President,

Sir,

1. As one of the most senior founder members of the Pakistan People Party and Ex-General Secretary of the PPP District Gujrat, I exercise this opportunity and privilege to express my concerns.

2. After gaining a comfortable position in the Elections, your initial strategy to unite all of the prominent political forces from the Federating units of Pakistan, was much encouraging and brought a feeling of Hope to the nation.

3. An unexpected and suspicious delay to keep up verbal and documented promises and Pacts to restore the judiciary was a start to create doubts about your credibility.

4. By accepting the Position of President, not only you jeopardized the political future of your son Mr. Bilawal Zardari Bhutto but also incarcerated the growth of PPP’s vote bank.

5. Would have been much better for you to stay in the background as an umpire just like Mr. Kamraj the President of Indian National Congress, who never accepted any administrative office but was respected as a king-maker and real force behind Jawahar Lal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi.

6. You didn’t attempt to tender an apology for the myth about your image as Mr. 10% if that was real and never tried to clarify your position effectively if that was unreal propaganda.

7. Your mistakes helped to multiply the popularity of regional leaders to the status of national level.

8. As a student of Political Science, like many others, I am confused to understand and specify if Pakistan is being run under Parliamentary or Presidential System, as provided by the 1973 Constitution?

9. There is a limit to keep on cashing the emotional and consentient attachment of the people with the (late) Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto.

10. This is not a qualification for the PPP to be accepted, tolerated and accommodated as lesser evil because the opponents of the PPP don’t enjoy a respectable credibility.

11. I am not completely disappointed about your capacity to exercise wisdom in order to bring about change and show the light at the end of the tunnel by getting back to the footsteps of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto as there is no Henry Kissinger and Zia-ul-Haq at the horizon.

With best wishes,

Javed I. Sheikh
Washington D.C. 20037

Source: Jang, 21 June 2010

This post is a tribute to a family of six who consumed poisonous pills in a suicide attempt in Shahpur Kanjra, Lahore, in order to escape poverty. This tragic event took place a few days ago (on 15 June 2010).

Forty-year-old Muhammad Akbar Shah and three of his daughters died after consuming the poison. His wife and son survived the suicide attempt.

Akbar, a rickshaw driver, had been living with his family and his brother, Amjad Shah, in a two-room house in Shahpur Kanjra village for the past two years. Amjad told the police that Akbar was constantly stressed about his financial situation as he was the family’s sole breadwinner. Amjad said his brothers daily earnings had been decreasing daily, and the family lived on the brink of poverty. According to Amjad, Akbar fought with his family on Wednesday about financial issues and fled his home, only to return a while later with some pills. He dissolved the pills in water and gave the mixture to his family, consuming some himself. (Source)

Today, veteran columnist Haroon-ur-Rashid has written a touching column in Jang very rightly highlighting that a culture of justice, good governance and integrity can help Pakistan effectively fight the menace of poverty.

جب آخری کرن مر جاتی ہے….ناتمام…ہارون الرشید

بھوک خود کشی پرآمادہ کرنے والی صرف ایک بلا ہے ۔ اس سے زیادہ ناانصافی اور بے بسی کا احساس۔عام آدمی جب حکمرانوں، لیڈروں، دانشوروں اور علماء کو بے حس پاتا ہے ۔جب روح بلکنے لگتی ہے ۔جب کہیں سے مدد ملنے کی کوئی امید نہیں رہتی۔جب آخری کرن مر جاتی ہے۔

جرائم کے فروغ، شدید عوامی ناراضی اور خود کشیوں کا تعلق محض وسائل کی فراوانی اور کمی سے نہیں ہوتا ۔ اندازِ حکمرانی اور کرپشن کے ساتھ ، عوامی امنگوں کی شکست و ریخت کے علاوہ عقائد اور رجحانات کے ساتھ بھی ، جن کی جڑیں تاریخ میں ہوتی ہیں،جوحکمرانوں، سیاستدانوں، دانشوروں اور علماء کی پیروی میں بتدریج پروان چڑھتے ہیں۔ عربوں کا محاورہ یہ ہے: الناس علیٰ دین ملوکہم(عام لوگ بادشاہوں کی روش پر ہوتے ہیں)۔

سوڈان ایسے غریب ملک میں اس بڑے پیمانے پر خود کشی کے اتنے بہت سے واقعات کیوں نہیں ہوتے، جہاں غربت پاکستان سے زیادہ ہے ۔ سرحدوں پر غیر مسلم باغی قبائل اور حکومت کے درمیان جنگ برپا ہے ۔جو دنیا کے پانچ سب سے زیادہ غیر مستحکم ممالک کی فہرست میں شامل ہے اور جسے امریکہ کے شدید دباؤ کا بھی سامنا ہے ۔ کیا اس لیے کہ وہاں آصف علی زرداری، اسفند یار ولی خان ، یوسف رضا گیلانی ، مجّو سائیں، نواز شریف اور سلمان تاثیر ایسے لیڈر نہیں پائے جاتے؟ یا اس لیے کہ وہاں احسن اقبال قسم کے ہمنوا نہیں ہوتے ، کل جنہوں نے یہ حیران کن دعویٰ کیا کہ اگر 1999ء میں نواز شریف کی حکومت برقرار رہتی اور ان کے وژن 2010پر عمل ہوتا تو غربت ختم ہو چکی ہوتی۔ کیا نواز شریف کے دوسرے دورِ حکمرانی میں خود کشیوں کی ایسی ہی لہر نہ اٹھی تھی؟ کیا ایسی ہی المناک بدعنوانی اور مہنگائی نہ تھی؟

اکتوبر 1999ء کے اوائل میں ، میں نے خرطوم کا قصد کیا۔ طارق پیر زادہ نے جو اب اسلام آباد کے کمشنر ہیں ، یہ کہا تھا: اڑھائی کروڑ کی آبادی میں قتل کے صرف دو مقدمات ہیں۔ یقین ہی نہ آتا تھا ۔ سرکاری طور پر وہ مطالعاتی دورے سے لوٹے تھے اور کوئی دلیل نہ تھی کہ ان کی شہادت مسترد کر دی جائے۔

ایک بین الاقوامی کانفرنس کا انعقاد تھا؛اگرچہ میں مدعو نہ تھا مگر کچھ دوستوں نے کہا کہ وہ روابط رکھتے ہیں اور اگر کسی طرح میں وہاں جا پہنچوں تو شریک ہونا ممکن ہوگا۔ ویزہ بہت مشکل سے ملا کہ تیسری دنیا کے ممالک میں اخبار نویسوں کو شک کی نظر سے دیکھا جاتا ہے ۔ جدّہ میں ، جہاں عمرے کے لیے رکا تھا، میں نے اپنے بھائی سے 500ڈالر قرض لئے اور نہیں جانتا تھا کہ دس بارہ دن کا یہ امتحان کس طرح طے ہو گا۔ گھبراہٹ کا عالم یہ تھا کہ پاسپورٹ اور بٹوہ کرنسی تبدیل کرنے والے کاؤنٹر پر چھوڑ گیا۔ ٹیکسیوں کی قطار کے سامنے حیران کھڑا تھا جب کسی نے میرا کندھا تھپتھپایا ۔ میرا پاسپورٹ میرے حوالے کیا “Welcome to Sudan”اس نے اپنائیت اور مسکراہٹ کے ساتھ کہا۔ دوسری بار وہ میرا بٹوہ اور تیسری بار قلم لے کر آیا۔ سوڈان کے ساتھ یہ میرا پہلا تعارف تھا ۔ طیارے میں سوار ایک مردِ شریف نے مجھے ایک ہوٹل کے بارے میں بتایا تھا، جہاں اس کا بھائی برسر کار تھا ۔ اس ہوٹل میں کوئی کمرہ خالی نہ تھا۔ بالاخر میں ملتان کے فرسودہ ہوٹلوں ایسے ایک کمرے میں جا پہنچا،ایک کہنہ سے کولر سے آراستہ۔۔۔ کرایہ البتہ صرف آٹھ ڈالر یومیہ۔

اگلے چند دنوں میں ، میں اپنی زندگی کے حیران کن تجربات سے گزرا۔ “سرکاری لوگ سرد مہر ہیں” میں نے سوچا “تو سرد مہر ہی سہی” میں عام لوگوں سے ملوں گا۔ سڑکوں ، بازاروں اور مارکیٹوں میں مٹر گشت کروں گا۔ اپنی شامیں دریائے نیل کے ساحل پر بتاؤں گا ، انگریزی اخبارات پڑھوں گا ، شہر میں پاکستانیوں کو تلاش کروں گا اور یہ سمجھنے کی کوشش کروں گا کہ زندگی یہاں کیسی ہے اور طرزِ احساس، ہم پاکستانیوں اور مغربیوں سے کتنامختلف۔

اجرتیں پاکستان سے آدھی تھیں اور قیمتیں لگ بھگ دو گنا۔اس کے باوجودجرائم، ہیجان اور نہ خودکشیاں۔ خاندان کے تمام افراد کولہو کے بیل کی طرح جتے رہتے۔ افلاس کا یہ عالم کہ دو وفاقی وزراء جزوقتی ملازم۔ عالمی شہرت یافتہ سکالر ، غیر معمولی اختیارات رکھنے والے سپیکر کا پختہ مکان ایک کچّی گلی میں واقع تھا ۔ صدر جنرل عمر البشیر کا مکان دیکھنے کی فرمائش کی توجواب ملا: ایسا ہی ایک دوسرا گھر ہے”پھرکنارِ نیل وہ محل کس کا ہے؟”بتایا گیا کہ صدر کا دفتر ہے ، کبھی قصرِ صدارت تھا۔یہ بھی کہ عمر البشیر کی اہلیہ ہمیشہ کار نہیں ، گاہے بس میں بھی سفر کرتی ہیں۔ دس ڈالر روزانہ پر ایک کے بعد دوسرے گائیڈ کا بندوبست کیا مگر دونوں نے اجرت قبول کرنے سے انکار کردیاکہ انہوں نے میرے ساتھ کھانا کھایا اور چائے پی ہے۔ ایک گائیڈ ہوٹل کی ڈیوڑھی میں کھڑا روتا رہا۔ اس کے چچا زاد نے جو یونیورسٹی کا طالب علم تھا ، میرا پہلا گائیڈ اور اسی ہوٹل کا ویٹر ، مجھے بتایا کہ ابراہیم کی والدہ نے اسے برا بھلا کہا اور روپے لوٹانے کا حکم دیا ہے کہ مہمان سے معاوضہ نہیں لیا جاتا۔

نماز کا وقت ہوا تو ہوٹل میں اذان کی آواز گونجی ۔ تیسری منزل کے صحن میں پنجاب کی کسی دیہاتی مسجد ایسی ٹونٹیاں نصب تھیں اور ویسی ہی صفیں۔ مالکی فقہ کے ماننے والے رکوع کے بعد طویل دعا پڑھتے ہیں۔ امامت مجھے زیبا تھی اور نہ کوئی تجربہ لیکن چونکہ میرے بال زیادہ سفید تھے؛چنانچہ دھکیل کرانہوں نے مجھے مصلّے پرکھڑا کردیا۔ ہوٹل کے عملے میں ساٹھ فیصد کے لگ بھگ خواتین تھیں۔ مسافر بھوک کا بہت کچّا تھا۔ پینے کا پانی بہت ٹھنڈا ہونا چاہئیے اور اگر بوتل بند نہیں تو ابلا ہوا۔ خرطوم کا پیہم پسینہ بہانے والا حبس اور بھی پریشان کرتا۔ لڑکے اور لڑکیاں خوش دلی سے ہنستے اور ان میں سے کوئی انگریزی یا عربی میں اکثر یہ کہتا “شیخ عجلت پسند بہت ہیں”ہر گزرتے دن کے ساتھ لیکن ان کا روّیہ زیادہ خوشگوار ہوتا گیا۔ ایک پاکستانی طالب علم شام کو کسی دوست کی گاڑی مانگ لاتا وگرنہ اکثر میں بس یا رکشا میں سفر کرتا، کبھی کبھار ٹیکسی میں ۔ پورے شہر میں صرف ایک خاتون کو چہرے پر نقاب پہنے دیکھا لیکن سبھی کا لباس نہایت باوقار اور گہرے گندمی چہرے ایرانیوں کی طرح کھلے ہوئے۔ میری حیرت کی انتہا نہ رہی جب میں نے خواتین کو لفٹ مانگتے دیکھا، یارب ایسی شائستگی، اس قدر احساسِ تحفظ؟ بتایا گیا کہ سوڈان کی افواج میں خواتین کا تناسب سب سے زیادہ ہے۔

شب گیارہ بجے شہر میں یکایک خاموشی چھا جاتی اور کلبوں میں ٹیپ ریکارڈر بند کر دئیے جاتے جہاں لوگ قہوہ اور خوشبودار شیشہ پینے جاتے۔سڈول پیکر، سادہ لباس، چہروں پر نجابت اور لہجوں میں نرمی ۔ گفتگو میں اپنائیت اور بے ساختگی۔ آخری دن ایک وفاقی وزیر سے ملاقات ہوئی ۔ پہلے اس نے گرم پانی کو فوراً اور ٹھنڈے پانی کو گھنٹہ بھر میں آتشیں سرخ رنگ عطا کرنے والی “کرکدے”سے میرے لیے شربت بنایا اور پھر چائے، مغرب میں جسے
“Red Arabian Tea”
کہا جاتاہے ۔ پھرا س نے پوچھا : ہمارے لوگوں کو آپ نے کیسا پایا؟ “سادہ، سچّے اور اکثر بہت کاہل”میں نے جواب دیا۔ طویل قامت آدمی ہنسا اور اس نے تصدیق کی۔ کاہلی اور لاتعلقی جبر اور استعمار کا ورثہ ہے اور سب جانتے ہیں کہ یہ ملک صدیوں اس کاشکار رہا۔

سوڈان میں جرائم اتنے کم کیوں ہیں اور خود کشی کے واقعات کیوں نہیں ہوتے؟ واپس پہنچ کر میں نے جرم و سزا کے ماہرین سے طویل بحثیں کیں کہ جرم اور غربت کا باہمی رشتہ کیا ہے۔ میں کم علم کچھ زیادہ نہ سیکھ سکا لیکن اتنی سی بات کہ بھوک صرف ایک بلا ہے ۔ اس سے زیادہ ناانصافی اور بے بسی کا احساس۔عام آدمی جب حکمرانوں، رہنماؤں، دانشوروں اور علماء کو بے حس پاتا ہے ۔ جب آدم زاد کی روح بلکنے لگتی ہے اور کہیں سے مدد ملنے کی کوئی امید نہیں رہتی۔ روشنی کی آخری کرن جب مر جاتی ہے۔ جب کوئی چارہ ساز اور غمگسار نہیں ہوتا۔تب بے بس اور لاچار آدمی سب سے بڑا احتجاج کرتا ہے ۔ وہ خود کو مار ڈالتا ہے اور حتیٰ کہ اپنی اولاد کو بھی ،آدمی کو جس سے زیادہ کبھی کوئی عزیز نہ تھا۔ کوئی جائے اور جا کر یہ بات سیاسی لیڈروں کو بتائے ، کرپشن سے توبہ کرنے کی بجائے جو ہمیشہ اس کے لیے جواز پیش کیا کرتے ہیں۔رک جاؤ، خدا کے لیے اب تو رک جاؤ۔

Source: Jang, 18 June 2010

Transparency’s opacity

Results from Transparency International’s “National Corruption Perception Survey 2009″ are being presented in the media as an infallible judgment on the corruption of the ANP-led government of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. One would be tempted to accept this judgment because of the reputation of Transparency International. But a look into the details of the survey reveals significant inconsistencies which need to be taken into account before any conclusions are made.

Transparency International had had already conducted surveys in Pakistan in 2002 and 2006. Each new survey had a larger sample size: there were 3,000 respondents in the 2002 survey, 4,000 in 2006 and 5,200 in 2009. The 2009 survey differs from the other two when it comes to the provincial sample size. In 2002 and 2005, the sample size for each province was somewhat reflective of its overall population proportion in Pakistan. But in 2009, each province had the same sample size, 1,300.

A peculiarity about the sample selected from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa was its higher monthly income. The survey had divided respondents into various income brackets, the lowest was “less than Rs5,000″ while the highest one was “Rs31,000 and above.” If we assume that the respondents from the four provinces were overstating or understating their incomes by the same proportions, and then aggregating the higher income brackets, the results would be the following: for Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa more than 850 respondents, or approximately 65 per cent, belonged to the category of Rs16,000 and above. In Balochistan, there would be 40 per cent in the category, 50 per cent in Sindh and 60 per cent in Punjab. This higher income level of the sample from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa is further borne out by respondents’ ownership of cars: 550 from the province reported owning a car, compared to 398 in Punjab, 383 in Sindh and 295 in Balochistan.

Considering the respondents from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa to be financially richer, one would expect what can be called their bribery expenses to be higher than those for other provinces. After all, it is a common observation that someone with a higher income raises higher expectations among officials looking for bribes. For instance, tax evasion related to a higher income would be made possible by a larger bribe. Similarly, a car driver committing a violation would be expected to pay a higher bribe than a motorcyclist violating a traffic rule.

But when one looks at the actual bribery expenses as detailed on page 62 of the report, the sample from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa reported the “lowest” total bribery expenses. If one is to divide the total reported expenses of each province by the sample size–i.e., 1,300–then we get the following measures of average expenditure on bribery for each province: Punjab, Rs17,791; Sindh, Rs16,885; Balochistan, Rs3,942; and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, Rs3,528.

This presents a perplexing situation. The survey clearly indicates that the expenditures of a relatively richer sample in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa pays a far less amount in bribes, income-wise, than its comparable sample from Punjab. This, if anything, would reflect relative lack of corruption in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa rather than the other way round.

So, what prompted this survey to declare the ANP government as the most corrupt of all provincial governments in Pakistan? The answer lies in a new question that was introduced to the survey this year. In this question the respondents were asked: Which provincial government was cleaner, the present (2008-10) or the past? If one is to rephrase this question in the context of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, then it would mean: Which provincial government was more corrupt, the ANP’s or the MMA’s? Seventy-eight per cent of the respondents declared the ANP to be more corrupt than the MMA.

This particular question is a verdict on a political party, and as an unqualified value judgment, it is bound to reflect the political leanings of each respondent. Given the introduction of this new question, Transparency International should have been extra-careful in making sure that the sample from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa or, for that matter, from any other province, is a true representation of its political map.

But one is surprised to see that the four cities selected from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa are Peshawar and all the urban centres of Hazara Division–i.e., Mansehra, Abbotabad, and Haripur. Anyone with even a rudimentary knowledge of the political history of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa would understand the overwhelming verdict against the ANP from this sample.

The recent upheaval about the Pakhtunkhwa issue in Hazara Division is an indication of the unpopularity of the ANP in that area. If the respondents were equally distributed between the four cities then the three cities of Hazara Division would constitute 75 per cent of the sample size, almost the same as the respondents who declared the ANP to be more corrupt than the MMA. Given these facts, the selected sample from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa is very unlikely to be truly representative of the political map of the province, and thus is very unlikely to produce an unbiased assessment.

The choice of the cities in this survey is a departure from the norms adopted in the previous two surveys. These deviations are peculiar, particularly when it comes to Punjab and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa–i.e., the “cleanest” and “dirtiest” provinces.

A review of the cities selected in the earlier surveys would be useful here. The 2002 survey focused on the provincial capitals of the provinces. In the case of Punjab, Multan was chosen as well. The 2006 survey chose Rawalpindi and Faisalabad for Punjab and Peshawar and Nowshera for the former NWFP. The 2009 survey had room to be more diversified, as it aimed to choose five cities from each province. Interestingly, the report, on page 14, lists only four cities from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa–i.e., Peshawar, Mansehra, Haripur and Abbotabad. Whether the survey was only carried out in four cities or the fifth was omitted because of a typo is not clear from the report. Also dubious is the selection for Punjab, which is Lahore, Sialkot, Daska, Gujranwala, and Chakwal. These are all areas where the PML-N performed particularly well in the 2008 election. The 2009 survey completely ignores southern Punjab.

The Corruption Perceptions Survey, 2009, blatantly asked about the corruption perceptions surrounding the ANP and the PML-N. For the ANP it did that mostly in areas where the party is unlikely to even field a candidate while for the PML-N it chose areas which are the party’s traditional strongholds. Therefore, the results cannot be considered an objective assessment, or even a ranking.

There are no doubts about the partiality inherent in this survey, whether this was done in error or by design. In any case, Transparency International needs to come clean on this issue. The last thing it wants is to be used as a tool in the domestic politics of Pakistan.

The writer is an economist working in Islamabad. Email: imran.khan.hks@gmail .com

Source: The News, June 09, 2010

* Mehmood Akhtar sought financial help from provincial government only to be humiliated, beaten up
* Faisalabad DCO ignored Mehmood’s requests for help
* Nawaz calls for high-level inquiry into reasons for Mehmood’s actions

LAHORE: Homeless and in need of shelter, Mehmood Akhtar (50) sought help from his government, only to be humiliated and physically assaulted by security personnel. This is what led him to the Punjab CM’s complaint cell in Model Town on Friday, where, in front of dozens of witnesses and security officials, he doused himself with petrol and set fire to himself.

A resident of House No 685/B near Shaheen Chowk, Ghulam Muhammad Abad, Faisalabad, Mehmood was a hairdresser by profession and had earlier migrated to Nazimabad, Karachi – only to return to Punjab in the hope that the provincial government would help him in his hour of need. According to police sources, Mehmood had visited the CM’s office at 7-Club Road a few weeks earlier and had filed an application in which he outlined his poor financial situation and requested financial assistance and a house for his four daughters.

Ignored: “Later, the application was forwarded to the Faisalabad DCO for action, who proceeded to ignore the requests of the applicant. Mehmood paid several visits to the DCO’s office, but was not given an answer to his application,” the sources said.

An official at the Faisalabad DCO’s office, requesting anonymity, said, “Yes, we received an application and forwarded it to the EDO (Revenue) for action… however, the EDO replied that there was no government policy that could address the applicant’s demands and that only the CM, at his own discretion, could facilitate such cases. The DCO then returned the case to the CM’s complaint cell with his comments.”

Disappointed and dejected, Mehmood on Friday visited the CM’s complaint cell in Model Town, where security personnel, deputed to keep an eye out for terrorist elements, slapped and humiliated him, sources said, adding that Mehmood left the office, only to return after a few minutes with Kerosene oil. “He then proceeded to set himself on fire in front of the CM’s complaint cell,” the sources added. Mehmood was later rushed to the Mayo Hospital, where doctors in the Burn Unit pronounced him dead.

Inquiry: PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif expressed his condolences over the incident and directed the Punjab government to hold a high-level inquiry to probe the reasons that had led Mehmood to take his life. In his message from London, Nawaz said the provincial government would facilitate Mehmood’s family. DCO Faisalabad Saeed Wahla was not available for comment, while his subordinate Munir Ahmed claimed that he was not aware of the case since he had been away to Sargodha. staff report

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